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Drie eeuwen vaderlandsche geschied-uitbeelding, 1500-1800 (1952)

Drie eeuwen vaderlandsche geschied-uitbeelding, 1500-1800

(1952)–H. van de Waal–rechtenstatus Auteursrecht onbekend

Een iconologische studie


Vorige Volgende

Summary

Instructions for the use of this summary

The bold-type numbers in the margin correspond with the pages of the text volume; the numbers between brackets refer to the notes (Vol. II, p. 1 seqq.). E.g. (8:1-2) means notes 1 and 2 to text page 8.

Italic print refers to the plates (Vol. II, p. 185 seqq.). E.g. (Pl. 25:3-4) means figures 3 and 4 on Plate 25.

Part one

Introduction

+The number of Dutch historical events customarily depicted in the 17th century is surprisingly small. For a mental picture of history the modern Dutchman must chiefly rely on such Romantic creations as Gallait's Abdication of Charles the Fifth, 1840 (Pl. 2) (1:2). The manner of illustrating this event in the 17th century has nothing in common with Gallait's peepshow of history.

In the painting by Frans Francken, 1620 (Pl. 3) (1:3) we do not find realistic grouping or accessories which are historically correct, but an allegorical whole. Francken does not, for instance, show the historical fact that during the ceremony the aged Charles V leaned on William of Orange's+shoulder (2:1). That would have been considered too anecdotical. The incidence was also left out of other representations (2:3); in fact it was not depicted until 1751 (2:5).

’Historism’ (2:6), the modern sense ‘de la différence des temps’, has the following strange consequence for the historical sciences, viz. Huizinga's definition of history as ‘the intellectual form in which a civilization accounts+to itself for its past’ (2:7). In our study we have accordingly regardedthe portrayal of history in the first place as ‘a mirror of the country and of the age in which it originated’. We shall never be able to survey the large void between the aesthetic conceptions of the 17th century and those of to-day, unless we find an Archimedean point for our research. The study of 17th century portrayal of history gives us such an observationpost, for we can deduce characteristic differences from the divergent ways in which two civilizations depict the same event.

 

+Our subject should be treated according to the iconological method. Page 4 gives the history of the term and its task: the study of the complex processes of ‘sign-formation’ and ‘sign-transfer’ within a given civilization (4:1-4).

+Page 5 deals with iconographical instruments, Muller's catalogue etc. (5:1). Here, in contrast with archaeological research, we study the manner of portrayal in a given period rather than seek the image of the period portrayed.

+This book is divided into two parts: firstly a discussion of general conceptions, and secondly a review of the Dutch materials.

I. The representation of historical events

The origin of the present-day point of view

+The period in which aesthetic appreciation of works of art was superseded by Romantic predilection for historical subjects, was followed by the other

extreme culminating in Wölfflin's statement that for a correct understanding of Raphael's Disputa knowledge of the subject depicted was unnecessary+(10:2). Art historians were influenced by these changing conceptions in their study of the methods of depicting historical events (10:3). In the+iconological method the right point of departure has been found (11:1).

The basic necessity for the portrayal of history is that the artist must be able to build up a world unknown to him by personal observation. The imagination can be divided into creative and reproductive fantasy (11:3). On page 11 the relativity of the so-called creative imagination is discussed (11:4). Ph. Galle's print after M. van Heemskerck (1564) (Pl. 5:1) illustrating a poem by Hadrianus Junius on the first chapter of Isaiah, shows a view of Jerusalem which in layout and disposition exactly resembles The+Hague of his own day (12:1).

In art the influence of tradition is necessarily greater than in literature. When a writer wishes to introducé his readers into an entirely new world, he can explain his intention in a few words. For an artist it is impossible to give such an introduction, and the result is that he is practically unable to make use of elements altogether unknown to the spectator (recognizability). This is one of the reasons why a historical picture is nearly always behind the times when compared to the historical writing which called it into being. Finally the traditional element sometimes influenced the historical awaredness in contradistinction to historical evidence (beard of Charlemagne 12:3).

Can anachronisms be avoided? The Romantic Movement thought they+could (13:1); the present-day films still employ this historical illusion, this retropective realism. In the other branches of art this genre has, however had its day, and historical events are now very rarely depicted anew. Whenever possible, our history books are now illustrated with ‘documents’, or withwhat are regarded as such. Unfortunately publishers not always realize+that an ‘old’ print, i.e. one dating from the 18th century, and concerning a mediaeval event of which no visual tradition exists, is completely worthless, and that the scientific nature of the book is impaired instead of enhanced by its inclusion (14:1).

The Romantic portrayal of history will not be treated any further in this book and will scarcely be mentioned, but will however remain an evident undercurrent. The genre is only discussed in the first chapter because our present day point of view resulted from it and is still connected with it. He who views a landscape through spectacles, should first ascertain the colour of the lens.

II. Relationship between historiography and Christian typology

A. Typological interpretation of history and related conceptions

+Historical consciousness cannot exist without understanding the peculiar nature of one's own civilization. Since Burckhardt (1860) this ‘Entdeckung der Welt und der Menschen’, hasbeen regarded as a characteristic feature of the Renaissance (15:1). To the Renaissance civilizations the study of that wich was historically remote was more important than the study of what was remote in terms of distance (ethnology etc.). Human nature was regarded as a clearly circumscribed conception; the number of types was limited, and when two people came into contact the course of action was determined from the outset (15:2). Thus the history of the world became a sort of comedia dell'arte and the study of history could provide instruction as to future happenings.

I. Allegorical and typological exegesis of the bible

+Christian exegesis provided a fourfold ramified system. For our purpose we have to consider two processes: a) the allegorical explanation of the Old Testament in order to prove the validity of the New; and b) the typological exegesis, which is essentially historical and of which Christ himself had given examples (16:4). Classical rhetoric and classical historiography also show examples of a similar drawing of parallels between historical facts (16:5).

+In the Middle Ages it became customary to draw up typological sequences, at first facing each event of the New Testament was parallelled with one from the Old Testament. Later on the number of types of each event from the New Testament increased (17:1-6). Thomas of Aquino had defined types as ‘persons, matters or actions taken from the Old Testament, which by God's purpose and will are so directed that they indicate something in the future’ (17:7). This made it possible that a biblical event was no longer connected with Christ, but became the prefiguration of an event in secular history.

+Another development led to the prefigurative element being no longer sought exclusively in the Old Testament, but also in the tales of classical antiquity (18:1). Parallels were drawn between Danae and Mary (18:2), Herakles and Christ, the kings of Antiquity and Christian monarchs (18:3). The new classical material brought to light by the Renaissance was often consciously chosen as the starting-point for a Christian application (18:4-5).

19 Contemporary history was interpreted with a similar exegesis:
+1) allegorically. Comets, monstra (19:2), whales that had been washed

ashore (Pl. 9) (19:3, 20:1-5), even fantastic rings in cross sections of+trees (21:1-2) were regarded as signs of God's wrath, and were depicted with lengthy commentaries. The political print, so flourishing in the 17th century, uses the allegorical means of expression almost exclusively (21:3). The idea of prosperous Holland as a healthy milch-cow was so alive in everyone's imagination, that a realistic print of grazing cattle (Pl. 4:1) could be employed as an admonition against a precipitate and unprofitable+peace-treaty (21:4, 22:1-2).
2) typologically. The Dutch war with Spain is seen as a parallel to Israel's struggle against idolatrous foreign tyrants.

+The Wilhelmus too raises the insurrection against Spain to the level of an event devinely predestined when it puts into its hero's mouth the words:

 
’Like David had to fly, // from the tyrant Saul
 
Thus have I had to sigh, // with many a noble lord ...’

+On another occasion Xerxes serves as ‘type’ for Philip (23:1). Among the richest, and often playful forms of these typological sequences belong sets of three based on the Bible, Classical antiquity and Christianity (e.g. ‘Neuf Preux’ (24:1).

II. Translatio imperii

Apart from the typological interpretation of history the idea of the Translatio Imperii also gave rise to the drawing-up of historical sequences. According to the Book of Daniel the realm of the Antichrist will follow upon the fourth world monarchy. Mediaeval interpretation of history had considered that monarchy to be the Roman Imperium, and so haste was made to explain the principalities of the day as the immediate successors to that mighty empire. In other words the history of each people was seen as the immediate continuation of Roman history (24:2) or in mediaeval terminology: the western European dynasties were the direct descendants of Aeneas or Hector (24:4).

B. Influence of these conceptions on art

I. Choice of subject matter

+Genealogical sequences. The Middle Ages had already called upon the fine Arts in order to add splendour to genealogical constructions; the latest and finest example in this respect being the Emperor Maximilian (25:1). As in the whole of W. Europe genealogical sequences in the Netherlands were depicted in widely divergent techniques: wall-paintings (25:2), panels (25:3), book illustrations (25:4), tapestries (25:5), stained glass windows

(25:6), sculptures (25:7). Beside this multitude of techniques there is also diversity of arrangement: type of the tree of Jesse (Pl. 16) (25:8), full-length figures in a frieze, either mounted or on foot (Pl. 42, 43) (25:9). Often the data of these genealogical sequences were chosen as subjects for festive decorations, pageants etc (25:10-11). On such occasions historical costumes were not customary before the 16th century, any more than on the stage (25:12). So interest in historical subjects had been aroused before historical consciousness caused historical costume to be reproduced as accurately as possible. A pageant held in Leyden (1516), in which each neighbourhood represented one of the counts or countesses of Holland (25:13), was probably connected with the coronation of Charles V at Brussels in the same year; (for influence upon book illustrations see p. 144). Historical costumes were+also copied at the Antwerp festivities in 1549 (26:1).

The Heros eponymus (26:2) appears in the same function as the genealogical sequences and when there were processions he was of ten borne in effigy (26:3). The giant Antigonus of Antwerp (26:4) is a character closely related to the heros eponymus. Finally there are the sequences of the ‘Neuf+preux’ (Pl. 42:2 & 43:2) (27:1-2) and similar inventions (27:3). They have this in common that they place comparatively similar persons next to each other, and that their main purpose was to suggest a connection or demonstrate a parallel rather than to depict an historical situation.

Actual historical scenes were nearly always depicted in their typological connection: Bruges 1515 (Pl. 6:1) (27:4-5). Episodes from the history of the city of Venlo in the years 1511, 1597 and 1606 (Pl. 6:2) were portrayed with the following antecedents: the journey across the Red Sea, the story of+Esther and Haman, and the siege of Bethuly (Judith) (28:1). After the Spanish siege of Leyden (1574) the journey across the Red Sea was again chosen as an edifying example (28:2); Leyden also presented the church at Gouda with a stained glass window showing the ‘Relief of Samaria’, ‘to bear witness that in the 2481 years which elapsed between the two sieges God's mighty hand had in no wise lost its strength’ (Pl. 7) (28:4). The predilection shown in art as well as on the stage for the story of Judith should to a great extent be seen against the background of the sieges of the day (28:5).

+Sometimes this typological or allegorical exegesis influenced the stage, and each act was followed by its explanation given from a small stage built above the principal one (29:1). Title-pages of books on contemporary history often show a similar structure (Pl. 8:1-2).

It is important to note that contemporary historical events were not yet depicted by themselves, but solely-in conjunction with earlier ones; the types by themselves were however often sufficient to indicate the events in question. For our investigation the most interesting cases are those in which the prefiguration is no longer sought in biblical or classical antiquity, but in

one's own national past. On the occasion of the visit of Prince William II and his bride Mary of England to Amsterdam in 1642 two of the triumphal arches showed the following subjects: the treaty of 1292 between the Emperor Rudolph of Nassau and Edward II of England, and the wedding of Reynold of Nassau and Eleanor daughter of Edward III of England (1312-1377). (To the 17th century public the costumes mainly derived their ‘historical’ cachet from the use of elements of 16th century fashion for ‘slashes’ (29:2-3).

+Thus the typological conception of history finally led to the representation of fairly unimportant scenes from the past. The main significance of the chosen scenes by no means lay in the events themselves, but in the application which under given circumstances stamped them as telling prefigurations.

Another group is formed by the works of art of a decidedly representative nature such as those commemorating the granting of privileges etc. As a symbol of acquired rights the city coat of arms appeared to the city in the same light as the founders of the line to the members of a dynasty. Early examples are two reliefs of c. 1345 in the town-hall at Nuremberg in commemoration of the rights obtained in 1311 and 1332 respectively (30:1). In the Low Countries the city of Haarlem was the most active in advertising its coat of arms and the stories connected with it (See further p. 243: Capture of Damiate). Haarlem presented the cities Edam (1518), Purmerend (1522), and Enkhuizen (1522) with stained glass windows representing the addition to the town's coat of arms. In 1594 the Board of dike-reeves (Hoogheemraadschap) of Rhineland presented the church at Gouda with a window in commemoration of the privileges acquired in 1255. Here the representation was not figural: the glass shows the coats of arms of the dike-reeves then in office, and an inscription giving the date of the privilege. Thus the explanatory caption acted the part that could not yet be played by a picturial means of expression. Haarlem continued upon the road it had taken and commissioned a window (1595), a tapestry (1630), and a painting (32:1) (Pl. 10:1-2 & 11).

+Amsterdam followed this example and dealt with a similar subject on the occasion of the festivities in honour of Marie de Medici's visit (1638) i.e. the addition of the imperial crest to the city coat of arms by Marie's great-grand father, the emperor Maximilian A.D. 1488 (Pl. 12) (32:2). An older, more venerable subject was the - entirely fictitious - grant of a coat of arms to Amsterdam in 1342, depicted for instance in a painting (32:4), and on a medal (32:5) (Pl. 13, 14:1).

In 1654 the Rhineland board of dike-reeves had the subject mentioned above treated once more. There was now no longer any need to resort to a explanatory inscription. The painting by C.B. van Everdingen (Pl. 15) wholly conforms to the tradition which had grown up in the meantime (32:6), as is the case in some similar works by Nicolas van Helt Stocade+for Nijmeguen (Pl. 14:2) (33:1-2).

II. Consequences of the typological idea for the manner of depicting historical events

Preference for sequences rather than scenes

The reason for depicting an historical event was nearly always its paradigmatic meaning. In other words an event was depicted, for reference, in order to prove that to-day's events had occurred before in exactly the same manner. The value of a representation depended on the effectiveness of the parallel and the actual appearance of the event was of secondary importance. Details which might stress any differences had to be left out whenever possible.

In a sequence of counts at Haarlem (Pl. 17) (c. 1477, wallpaintings which have now disappeared) a wealth of anecdotal details was kept in the background so as not to violate the schematic purpose of the sequence: the lowered visor of the helmet of Florence IV indicates that he was killed in jousting; John I is represented without armour as he died without being knighted; the counts brandishing their swords were killed in battle, whilst those leaning on their swords died ‘a natural death in bed’ (33:3).

+Almost without exception 15th century art still passes over such popular themes as for instance the knight of the Swan (34:1). The court painters of Henry VIII and Queen Elizabeth were indeed interested in King Arthur, but not because of the colourful tales of him and his knights. What appealed to them was solely the question of his historical authenticity, as proof that the golden age foreshadowed by Arthur's reign had now arrived (34:2). When depicting characters like King Arthur, Hannibal, or Alexander the Great, the problem of historically correct clothing was therefore not yet taken into account (34:3); these princes were merely important as ‘historische Reprasentanten des Allgemeinen’ (Burckhardt, 34:4), and a summary indication of difference in time sufficed. The anecdotal and individual differences were not sought, but rather the biggest common factor of the phenomena observed, just as the divine fundamental law from which they sprung was regarded as the most important part of history. Later belief in that disposed order diminished (34:5), and increasing interest led to more accurate examination of salient differences; nevertheless an equalizing, or at any rate a coordinating tendency remained, powerful enough to determine general appearances (see following chapter for the predilection of the Renaissance with its idealizing conception of art, for such stylized types).

+Blending of past and present

For yet another reason the historical note was struck, but not maintained. For example when historical events were depicted in order to denote a contemporary occurence, it was necessary either to maintain the historical aspect even though this be an inaccurate reflexion, or to break the historical

continuity by inserting modern elements whenever necessary. In the period under discussion the second method was nearly always chosen: the historical principal characters are drawn with the features of the contemporary personages whom they are supposed to foreshadow (35:2-3). This evasion of a direct approach, the fact that one could say Samaria whilst meaning Leyden, was a godsend to thrifty publishers where book illustrations were concerned. Thus in the Sacksische Chronik (1588) an existing woodcut of the Massacre of the Innocents could serve as an illustration to the story of the Paris blood-baths (for the book illustrations in connection with this matter see also p. 77). The actual reason for this phenomenon of evasion however lies very much deeper than editors thrift. Thus even 17th century Dutch painting, realistic as no other, most conspicuously evades the portrayal of actualities (36:1). Sandrart's painting (1640) in commemoration of+Marie de Medici's entry into Amsterdam (1638; Pl. 4:2) wholly retains the framework of the civic guard pieces (36:3). The outward splendour of the rejoicings was laid down in an illustrated description (36:2).

The picture which Thomas de Keyser painted on the same occasion for the burgomasters of Amsterdam is even more conventional. Whilst Sandrart had at least depicted the bust of the queen, de Keyser's small panel is entirely in accordance with the traditional form of the ‘regent’ pieces. The four magistrates are seated round a table and receive a message that the queen has just entered the city (36:5).

Even the atrocities of religious persecution, the uncertainties and terrors of the second half of the 16th century are crystallised by a rhetorician such as Joris Hoefnagel in a series of ingenious emblemata with the philosophically resigned title ‘Patientia’ (36:6).

Thus we must make ourselves familiar with a mentality which even for the greatest pomp and the strongest emotions preferably recurred to standing formulas, and which paradoxically, by that indirect manner of expression, apparently appealed most to contemporaries.

+III. Artistic treatment of historical subjects according to the Renaissance art doctrine

A. The value of historical subjects for the idealistic theory of art

The same theories for literature and art

+This conception is only possible if one's attention is focused mainly on the subject-matter under discussion, and not on the way in which it is rendered. In the 16th and 17th century the effect of a work of art was regarded as almost entirely dependent upon the nature of the subject-matter

dealt with. The subject was the main thing, the purpose was to move, and the technique employed was a fortuitous expedient (38:3).

+Not the expressive power of technical means, but the creative imagination was thought to be the most valuable of all the qualities of an artist, and the subject, the ‘inventio’ the most important and most essential part of the work of art (39:1). The artists themselves (Alberti, 39:2, Leonardo, 39:3) defended this theory which enabled them to break away from the mass of artizans and to join the ranks of the poets.

Not that which exists, but that which might exist was the real domain of the arts (39:4). The rendering of some exalted matter, the depicting of some stirring event or the narrating of some exemplary occurence became the great task of the arts.

In Renaissance art the historical subject was considered pre-eminently exalted (provided it was treated in an idealistic, paradigmatical manner (39:6).

+The ‘great’ forms of art were: in literature the epic (or the tragedy), in painting the historical picture (40:1). The development of the art-term ‘historie’ led from illustration via ordonnance to ‘representation of an exemplary story’ (40:2).

Conflicts resulting from this conception. As the art-theory of the Renaissance - following in the footsteps of Aristotle - held the universal to be of greater worth than the particular, remarkable conflicts arose when dealing with historical matter. The artist was never allowed to make concessions to the historian (40:3-8).

+Whilst in all western European countries it became the ambition of the poets to present their people with its own Iliad, or preferably even with its own Aeneid (41:3), the progressing development of historical research relegated all these legendary ancestors and heroes eponymi to the realm of fairytales. It was intolerable thus to have the ground cut from under one's feet, and so, in order to save poetic vocation, the latest results of historical research were ignored. They were not contradicted or disputed, but the world of aesthetic forms was now reserved for persons banned from historical science. As had been the case with Aeneas, these legendary ancestors were rescued from the downfall of mediaeval science, and transported to the domain of another+newly created realm, that of the idealistic art of the Renaissance (42:1-4), where the sovereign was ‘the hero’ par excellence (42:5), and where only by Art could the fame be bestowed, which brought immortality (42:6).

On the strength of these idealistic conceptions the practice of seeking biblical or classical parallels continued; for the universal significance of an event could only be revealed in such resemblances, and art should pass over any but universal values.

B. The ‘convenienza’ theory

+1) General. The ‘convenienza’ theory, i.e. the observance of all that becomes the subject chosen, was an important factor in the process of creating a Renaissance work of art (43:2-3).

When dealing with historical subjects this principle did not however, lead to a scrupulous avoidance of anachronisms. In the first place the resistant forces of tradition were at work in art (recognizability cf. p. 12). For historical subjects the condition of authenticity was added but this authenticity was very often based solely on the fact that an established manner of portrayal had become conventionalized. (Each alteration in the familiar accessories is regarded as ‘incorrect’ by the general public).

+The possibility of variation which had from old existed for mythological subjects (45:1), did not exist for the historical genre: if the manner of representation was changed the authenticity was endangered; if a subject was chosen which so far had not been portrayed, the work of art was incomprehensible without an elaborate explanation.

All these reasons made the historical genre an extremely conservative form of art, in which the development of historical science could but rarely be taken into account. To this may be added another factor: in the period under discussion the maintenance of aesthetic unity counted for more than the attainment of as great a scientific accuracy as possible. For that reason even in historiography a paraphrase was considered preferable to a literal quotation from old sources (45:2). Adaption to accepted cultural ideals was a typical result of the principle of decorum (45:3).

+The misrepresentations so often noticeable in the mental picture of history in this period are, as with all misrepresentations, closely connected with a fixed and clearly chosen standpoint: in this case the prevalence of the aesthetic principle over the scientific. This preference is certainly one of the most characteristic traits of Renaissance civilization.

C. Anachronisms

Our age is accustomed to group all phenomena as much as possible round historical view-points. Nevertheless the products of our day are still full with anachronisms, e.g. from the psychological point of view (46:1).

+Rall's distinguishes between ‘stoffliche’ and ‘formale Gegenwartsreflexe’ (47:1). For our investigations the unconscious, formal anachronisms are the most important. In order to avoid these Ronsard advised men of letters to select their material from periods, of which not so many details were known (at least three or four centuries previously (47:3).

For artists this artifice did not simplify matters much they, after all, must always take full account of the form of all the accessories portrayed by

them in historical pieces. At the same time Renaissance art attached ever increasing importance to the portrayal of reality (48:1-2). For the portrayal+of historical subjects this means that a retrospective sense of reality as it were was considered necessary.

In order to satisfy the increasingly exacting demand for historical accuracy the idealistic vision showing how an event ‘might’ or ‘should’ have appeared, was finally replaced by historical precision and accuracy. The convenienza principle had become ‘il costume’ (the knowledge of historical accessories (48:2).

A form of criticism arose which pointed out ‘mistakes’ in the work of art (48:4-6). In emphasizing the value of invention the artists of the Renaissance had risen above the ranks of the artisan. The outcome of their demands was, however, that they became to an increasing extent the satellites of poets and scholars. An exception was formed by the geniuses, who as ‘learned artists’ embodied the ideal of the age, the combination pennapennello (48:7).

+Compared to the poet, the artist was in this connection the most vulnerable. As his images were more concrete than those of the poet, he could trust less to his imagination; and as he was more unlettered by nature he was more dependent on others for enlightenment when portraying historical subjects.

Nevertheless during the same period anachronisms continue to be accepted so much as a matter of course that we are amazed again and again. (On the stage Roman heroes appeared in powdered wigs and with sword (49:5); in the illustrations of historical works it was no different (49:6-7).

D. Conceptions concerning the relationship between art and reality

+We must seek an explanation in the relations which existed at the time between art and reality in general. The lack of historical exactitude runs parallel to the prevailing views concerning the necessary degree of accuracy in general. The Renaissance sense of reality was something entirely different from the copying of reality which has become familiar to us since the invention of photography. In topographical representations (50:2), or portrayals of current events (50:3) reality is often passed by in a manner incomprehensible to us.

+The 17th century Dutch painters, ‘realists’ par excellence, combined all kinds of topographical data to make an acceptable whole (Pl. 5) (51:1-3).

All these traits mutatis mutandis also held good for historical pictures. A few characteristic features serve to indicate the atmosphere, unity comes before exactitude (and this unity is determined by the civilization for which the work is intended!) Current events are depicted in forms which had

+served before for similar happenings (illustrations of pamphlets), just as, for instance, in humanistic historiography naval battles were preferably described in the same words as a similar event in the Aeneid. The wording of historical songs is often similar to that of legends and epics (52:1). Here again we descry that mentality which differs so much from ours and which, intent upon the account of recent and current events, prefers to receive these communications in traditional wording and stereotyped form.

IV. Historical elements in 16th and 17th century Dutch art

A. Sources

+Archaeological finds. The oldest representation of archaeological finds in the Netherlands dates from 1517 (Roman tiles) (53:1). Brittenburg in the sea near Katwijk and Nehalennia finds (53:2); for the rest one was dependent on written sources. Mystifications (53:4), Tacitus' Germania (53:5),+(Caesar known in M.A. but not used (54:1). Interest in history of civilization: Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini (54:2), Aventinus (54:3), Rhenanus (54:4).

The historical writings of a scientific nature which appeared in such great numbers in the 16th century, were unillustrated with the exception of a few examples to be discussed later.

Historical science had progressed one step. Art had to wait until a first stage had been covered (54:5). It was possible, of course, to draw one's data from classical representations (columns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius+(54:6). The influence of Trajan's column can be seen in Georg Muelich's miniature for Meisterlin's Augsburg chronicle (Pl. 18) (55:2-3). Probably thanks to the personal supervision of the learned author.

Increasing interest was taken in these columns (55:4-6) and in that of+Theodosius at Constantinople (Pl. 71:1) (56:1). The signiferi were the most striking figures on these columns (Pl. 38:1) (56:4) and were often borrowed in order to indicate Teutons in Roman service (Pl. 38:2) (56:5-6) (sometimes also in ballet costumes (Pl. 33:3) (56:7). Contaminations sometimes took place with the group to be discussed below (p. 84/6): Samson-Hercules-Wodewose.

Suevian knot. The earliest representation dates from 1543. In Rubens' circle contaminations between Teutons and Jap/Chinaman can be found (Pl. 19:1) (56:8).

+Pseudo-archaeological data. An example is formed by the heads of Batavians (Pl. 20:1) (57:1-4) (the pointed ears are actually said to be derived from Martialis (57:5), in reality, however, they are heads of Silenus (Pl. 20:2) (57:6). The headgear of these Batavians (in reality ornamental

knobs) is transformed into wicker baskets (Pl. 21, 48:3) (57:7), and their credibility was probably increased by the fez-like head-dresses on Trajan's column (Pl. 20:3) (57:8).

Mediaeval antiquities. In the low countries realization of the ‘vicissitudo rerum’ made its entry into historiography via the great changes in the soil which were often observed within one generation (57:9). For the more recent past one had real objects at one's disposal: antiquated costumes,+domestic utensils ancient buildings and works of art. The question was only to what extent one was able to read these documents.

Many 16th and 17th century artists were antiquarians and were interested in ancient buildings (58:1) and paintings (58:2), works of the great predecessors were copied either out of artistic, or documentary considerations (58:3-4), Lombard (58:6), De Succa (58:7), Rubens (58:8) etc. A print by Lucas van Leyden (Pl. 24:2) (c. 1509) shows the costume of c. 1430 (58:5).

+Collectors of genealogical documents also applied themselves to the acquisition of portraits of historical personages (59:1).

Seventeenth century representations often show remarkably less historical exactitude than their 16th century examples (59:2). Apart from these genealogical and documentary leanings interest was also taken in ancient works of art which enjoyed special religious veneration (59:3).

B. Ancient costume

Changes in fashion and the excesses attendant upon them had attracted the attention of preachers at an early date. (Artists sometimes in jest merely drew a naked man with a piece of cloth and a pair of scissors, so that the spectators might supply him with clothing as fashions changed (59:4).+Van Mander mentions Jan Mostaert as being a specialist on historical costume (60:1). Concern for depicting historical costume in connection with genealogical sequences rarely goes beyond one or two generations, and should be interpreted as an act of piety rather than as a sympton of interest in history (60:2). The artists of the Renaissance started to collect costumes in their studios (60:3). The danger was that in this way the old-fashioned, the outmoded could be made to count as the ‘very ancient’. Examples are the hennin and the lansquenet costume of the Swiss soldiers (60:4), which was+considered to be of great antiquity (61:1) and was still employed by Steen for biblical subjects (61:2). (As ‘proof’ of its antiquity a comparison of the fashion of slashes with decorations on Gallo-Celtic statuettes of Dispater was accepted (Pl. 22:1 & 23:1) (61:3-5). It was believed that the dress of the Batavians had in no wise differed from the ancient costume of the Swiss, whose institutions also showed so much resemblance to those of the old Batavian commonwealth (61:7).

Great antiquity was also ascribed to the hennin, still worn here and there at the end of the 16th century (Pl. 25:1) (61:8); it was supposed to date from as far back as biblical times (Pl. 25:3-4) (61:9), (Rembrandt's Asnath, 61:10).

+We already have mentioned (p. 25/26) the use of historical costumes in pageants etc. (62:1-2).

Non-historical use of old-fashioned costume

By means of its apparently orthodox conservatism the old-fashioned in every age conveys the suggestion of piety. In the 16th century the devout+Gothic forms as opposed to the new worldly ones of the Renaissance were eminently suitable for such a purpose. Old-fashioned dress was expressly prescribed for the principal persons in church paintings: saints (63:1) God the Father (63:2) this custom is still discernible in Bruegel's work (63:3) also in the un-worldly genre of the Vanitas-paintings (63:4). In order to distinguish between allegorical figures and realistic ones, elements of classical, but sometimes also of old-fashioned national, costumes were made use of (63:5), (Armament in Rembrandt's Eendracht 63:6).

+Late mediaeval women's dress, the hennin in particular, was used to indicate Luxuria, Voluptas etc. (Pl. 25:2). The so popular representation of the Temptation of St. Anthony probably gives an explanation for this (64:1).

It is remarkable that 17th century livery shows no antiquising tendencies (64:2).

C. Ancient buildings

Anachronistic costumes still appear in representations which already show signs of attempts at the reconstruction of ancient buildings (Fouquet, Livius, 64:3). Often the Romanesque must serve to indicate the Roman (64:4-5), e.g. Memlinc (64:6); afterwards, in the 17th century, the Gothic can serve this purpose. Rogier van der Wyden preferably uses Romanesque elements for subjects taken from the Old Testament, and Gothic elements+for those taken from the New Testament (64:7); Van Eyck employs Romanesque interiors as ‘not being bound to any period’.

The general public still had a very faulty sense of discrimination between different historical forms, thus, when seeing an historical detail applied, people were only struck by its negative qualities-those which were unusual, not commonplace. A view of the familiar appearance of a Gothic town in the background of a Romanesque interior by Van Eyck restored the contact with contemporaneity which was, after all, indispensable to the faithful.

Like historical costumes, historical forms of architecture did not in the

first place have an historical function. The artists applied these elements primarily in order to enhance the phantastic or devotional nature of their works (65:5).

The ruin was an indispensable accessory in mediaeval representations of the Birth of Christ (65:6) and the Adoration of the Magi (Pl. 26:1) (with an occasional influence upon the portrayal of the meeting of Joachim and+St. Anne, 66:1-2). Aesthetic predilection inclined to ruins. Classical ruins appeared in the background of paintings by artists who had visited Rome (66:3). Van Mander gives us the names of a number of specialists in this field (66:4).

The scholastic sense of beauty had been indissolubly linked with the (we might almost say ethically flavoured) words ‘nitor’ and ‘integritas’. Delapidated or broken objects could not possibly count as reflections or similes of the Nature of God and therefore did not belong to the domain of beauty.

+In the 16th century the ruin is always the remains of a classical building (67:1); an increased interest in ancient national monuments is not discernible. The main object of this ruin cult was to testify to the fallen greatness of Rome (67:2-3). Two conceptions can be distinguished: a scientific-reconstructive interest, and an aesthetic predilection for the picturesque+qualities of ruins (67:5 & 68:1). Style Louis XIII, style rustique (68:2). These forms were considered to be the most characteristic of ‘the natural’, as nature always returns to the ruin (68:3-5).

+As it was also thought - under the influence of the stylistic ideals of the time - that Roman architecture had had a similar ruin-like character (69:1), a most extraordinary bracketing of the historically classical and the naturally rustic came into use (69:2).

The sentimental attitude towards the ‘ruin’ only appears towards the end of the 18th century (69:3). The ruin imitated nature in its oldest and therefore purest form. It was for that reason that ‘the ancient building’ played such an entirely different and much more important part in the Renaissance sense of style than ancient costume did. Whilst, with only a few exceptions, ancient costume was limited to the field of purely scientific archaeology, the ‘ruin’ was drawn into that particular sphere of aesthetic preference and desires, in which contemporary ideals can be expressed.

D. Historical sense of style

+We have mentioned instances of works of art being studied and copied because of their documentary value, there are others, in which artists chose works by former confrères as a model for artistic reasons (70:1-3). In the 17th century prints af ter old paintings are very rare (70:5). Out of pedagogical considerations copies (drawings and prints) were made of old prints

(especially Lucas van Leyden, 70:6-7). The knowledge of 16th century costume thus acquired with playful ease was used by 17th century masters as ‘ancient costume’ for biblical scenes or for events from Dutch and other non-classical history. Thus an artistic admiration could influence the choice made out of documentary considerations.

More important however than the question which ancient works of art were copied is the problem of how the ancient forms were interpreted. For the observation of differences in form and a correct judgement of their+respective differences in time (historical sense of style, 71:1) is not the same thing.

The study of types of lettering was probably the first occasion for connecting stylistic development and chronology (Pl. 26:2).

Unlike the other mediaeval artes liberales painting and sculpture are late in arriving at a sense of ‘vetus dignitas’. The Renaissance finally distinguished: new = classical, and old = mediaeval (for which sometimes the word modern is even used: 71:4). Van Mander takes it for granted that the art of the Netherlands cannot be autochthonous, but originated in+Italy (71:5-8). In the 17th century the Gothic style was considered an aberration (72:1-4). There are several examples of 17th century designs in Gothic style (Van Campen, 72:5), and archaizing painting (the artist Stap, imitating the style of c. 80 years before, 72:6).

+The so-called revived styles (73:1-2) of the 16th and 17th centuries do not - unlike the historical styles of the 19th century - extend over the entire field of artistic production (the ‘Romanesque’ of the late Gothic style is to be found only in painted, but never in real architecture (73:3); in the 17th century we find Gothic forms continued almost without exception to the field of applied arts, and then in special areas (73:4).

Conclusion:

1)historical sense only aimed at the knowledge of the real things.
2)historical sense of style in the finer meaning, which gives the term its value, was not yet present in 16th and 17th century conceptions of art.

V. Non-historical or non-national elements in Dutch visual representation of history

A. Origin of iconological groups and their mutual influence

I. Forming of iconological groups

+Consciously, but perhaps even more often unconsciously, painters assimilated the forms of the new historical events they had not witnessed themselves with the forms of similar more familiar subjects.

Historiography was not alone in its attempt to find in national history the themes of the Classical past; in their own field the fine arts also are prone to transferring ‘image-quotations’ (74:2-4).

+The idea of plagiarism was almost unknown (75:1-5), and for want of a detailed terminology classical quotations were gladly resorted to when giving an appreciation of a work of art (75:6-9).

It became a specially fascinating problem to bring to the fore themes+from national history which fitted into this prevailing parallism. Happenings such as: ‘Jan van Schaffelaar leaping from the Tower of Barneveld’ (1482) were not depicted until nearly the end of the 18th century (76:1-2), most probably because there were no classical or biblical antecedents. Not that artists were unable to portray such scenes, but there were others with which they might gain greater credit. In the illustrations of literary works we find this same preference for traditional situations (76:4-6). The Romantic artist is the first to search for matters hitherto unportrayed.

+II. Special circumstances affecting book-illustrations

For the painted representation of an historical event an historian was often present as supervisor (77:1), and the painter - as far as factual objects are concerned - was indifferent which forms he depicted. Where illustrations to historical writings were concerned however, circumstances were less favourable for a rapid development. Publishers bought up existing blocks and put them to the best use possible (77:2). This was of course only an accidental circumstance; the real reason being that the illustrations did not aim primarily to be true to nature, not even in those cases which were easy to check. In the portrayal of a monarch the representation was+concerned with his office rather than his person (78:1) etc. In the 17th century travel stories and portrait sequences were often illustrated with the help of existing blocks or plates, either modified or not for the occasion (78:2-5).

In Western Europe illustrated historical writings are far less numerous than, for instance, those on natural science. In the course of the 16th century+the portrayal of episodes in many cases feil into disuse (e.g. Bible illustrations 79:1); elsewhere too the scientific documentary representation flourished and the episodic illustrative kind declined (e.g. archaeology, 79:2; there were illustrated editions of Caesar, but not of Tacitus, 79:3). Until the end of the 18th century the portrait of a famous man is given in the form of a bust or medallion rather than that typical episodes from his life are depicted (e.g. iconography of L.J. Coster, the Dutch inventor of printing, 79:4). In 1779 a series of (episodic) illustrations to an historical epic appeared (William I), the prints were also obtainable separately for the illustration of well known 17th century historical works (79:5).

+Page 80 describes some 17th century historical illustrations (80:1-6).

B. The forbears as a primitive people

I. Analysis of conceptions

Conceptions of the primitive cultural stages of one's own people depend upon the point of departure of the investigator, who can either consider the+progress, or else the decay of contemporary culture as the most characteristic new aspect (81:1-6). For the national past the conception held good of a ‘hard’ primitivism. The idyllic ‘soft’ primitivism which was far from lacking in classical sources (81:7), was reserved for the 17th century pastorales+(81:8; ‘Arcadias’, works with an archaeological note, 82:1-2).

II. Analysis of representations

a) Traditional elements. Adam and Eve after the Fall was a well known theme in Christian art long before the conception of an historical+primitivism had been formed (82:4-6). Especially representations of Adam and Eve at work gained influence in this connection (83:1-3). Vitruvius' passage on the origin of architecture in his treatise led to an episodic manner of illustrating (Pl. 28) (83:4-5). In their turn these illustrations exercised a+great influence, also upon biblical illustrations (Pl. 27:1 & 29) (84:1-4). In the end the distinction between biblical and classical primitivism could hardly be retained (Pl. 27:2 & 30) (84:5-8).

+Hercules was another figure already much depicted ,who could contribute to the iconography of the Teuton (Pl. 32:1). The fact that this demigod was supposed to have lived amongst the Teutons, and also that since antiquity he had been connected with the idea of virtue, made it easier for the association to take place. (Popularity at Burgundian court 85:4; Hercules Gallicus, 85:5; Hercules Germanicus, 85:6).

Samson was a sort of biblical Hercules (85:7-9). Contaminations between the two occured (85:10-11), even extending to Cain (Pl. 31:1) (donkey's+jaw-bone, 86:1). Cain was also well known as the first founder of cities and on that account he must also be mentioned in connection with primitive cultural conditions (Pl. 31:2) (86:2-3). Finally the wodewose is also attached to this group (Pl. 34 and text p. 161) (86:4-7). Reminiscences of the+Hercynian forest (86:8-9) made it possible to identify the ancient inhabitants of the fatherland with this Silvian (87:1). Together with the signiferi (see p. 56) all these persons formed a series of ancient figures much resembling one another, and who as ‘primitives avant la lettre’, were to fertilize the imagination of the artists who illustrated the historical works of the Renaissance (Pl. 33).

 

b) Exotic elements. In stories as well as in artistic representations the exotic detail, or at any rate the detail that is considered to express an ethnological difference, was already in general use at a time

which does not yet appear to have the slightest notion of historical differences. The Magi (87:2), Whitsuntide (87:3). Often contemporary exotic elements served to indicate the historical-exotic sphere of biblical stories+(87:4). Journeys of artists to the Levant (88:1), exotic persons and animals in Europe (88:2-3).

Book illustrations. In Antwerp workshops Burgkmair's series in connection with Springer's expedition of 1505/06 (89:1) rapidly gained a great+influence. Red Indians start alternating with the Wodewoses on title-pages (89:3-4).

+Books of costumes (90:1-4) and, samplers (90:5-6), pageants and performances. Here too we find a blending of the historical and the exotic

+(91:1-2); purely historical specimens are few in comparison (91:3-4). For the portrayal of the primitive past pageants with exotic subjects presented many more elements, than festivities with a strictly historical programme. For in the latter instance stress was specially laid upon the typological or genealogical connection, with the result that the historical accoutrements could be limited to the strictly necessary. With exotic subjects on the other hand, the primary purpose was to portray a more primitive society in minute detail. Exotic masquerades (Pl. 35) (91:6-8, 92:1); in Rembrandt's+art we often find exotic, but scarcely historical travesty (92:2).

 

Blending of the exotic and the historical. Contaminations occur between Teutons on one side, and Moors, Turks, Chinamen on the other (92:3). Contemporary exotic peoples are put on a level with the historical inhabitants of the fatherland. Pict ∼ Virginia (Pl. 36) (92:4-5 & 93:1); these ‘wildmen’+however also show the influence of the late mediaeval type of devil (Pl. 37) (93:2). To all this was added the legendary-primitive (representations of Wodewoses serve as illustrations to travel-stories, 93:4-5).

 

All this preoccupation with the exotic did not however become an exotism (93:6). People visited foreign countries as missionaries, explorers, colonists, or merchants, but not as tourists. In other words the motives of the voyages are often connected with a closely circumscribed purpose which has reference to society and collectivity rather than to the individual (93:7). In the same+way in the period under discussion interest in the past is not so much a personal preference and hobby as an expression of social and political life. In particular these circumstances hold good for the heroic conception of the oldest national past.

C. The forbears as an heroic people

I. Analysis of the conceptions

Heroic stylization in general serves to create the distance indispensable for the glorification of a person or an event. For portraits such accessories

as pedestals, balustrade, steps, columns and draperies were used (94:1). In the portrayal of a contemporary happening the historical mise-en-scène served the same purpose. The direct method of portrayal, which according to the prevalent conceptions only had a documentary importance, was avoided, the event was dressed up in antique fashion and in this way all the accidental, which according to the notions of the age was incompatible with great art, was abstracted. (Development in Italian painting from the illustrative-historical to the decorative-representational, from+chronicle to apotheosis, 94:2). The forms used for this disguise were those of classical antiquity; there is a catalogue of the exemplary heroic figures in Petrarca's work (95:2), the propernames of those heros become class-names (’historical personifications’ of general virtues, 95:3).

In the Republic of the United Netherlands these conceptions show up even more clearly than elsewhere. The ‘forbears’ in respect of culture were the Romans (95:4), ancient Germanic remains (e.g. in language, 95:5) were feit to be rough and uncivilized. In the parallel between the Roman+and the Dutch Republic the Teutons act as enemies (95:1-5). In the contradistinction to Germany no attempt was made to prove a descent from Teutonic princes (Tuisco and such, 96:6); at the most we find a comparison by way of metaphor (96:7) (Orange: Philip II = Civilis: Nero). Legendary- historical figure of Bato (96:8).

+Differences in the appreciation of Roman civilization. Seventeenth century German men of letters blame the Roman emperors for intentionally causing the effeminacy and decadence of the Teutons. In Holland one preferred to think of the Roman Republic and in that found all ideals and civic virtues. In Germany Arminius was the Slayer of the Romans (97:1); in Holland the alliance with the Romans gained by war is considered the most important deed of Civilis (Grotius, 97:2). This conception only grew as the realization of the own contemporary classicity increased (Geldenhauer 1530, 97:3;+Junius 1588, Dousa 1601, 97:4) and accordingly it found in Grotius its most powerful defendor (98:1). Barbarism rather held good for the Middle Ages (98:2). The name Civilis is translated as ‘Burgerhart’ (98:3).

The 16th century Humanists had already collected the classical passages+praising the Batavians (98:4-5 & 99:1-6). The rebellion against Spain bestowed on this material a typological meaning (99:7-8). The Batavians, the specially befriended allies of the Romans (99:9), finally revolted against the extortions of the governors (99:10),-not against the world-power, of which they themselves formed a part! The parallel with the revolt against Spain was evident (99:11). It is symptomatic that the identification of+Leyden with Lugdunum Batavorum is first mentioned in the ‘Discours du siège’; before then such an honorary name was not yet ‘deserved’ (100:1-2). To indicate that the contemporary acts of heroism surpassed those of the Romans, the following phrase was expressed at a rhetoricians feast of 1598:

‘Such Batavians surpass the ancient Romans’ (100:4-5). On a triumphal+arch (Groningen 1594) Maurice is honoured in the guise of Claudius Civilis (101:1-2), the peace of 1648 is celebrated at Amsterdam with six performances concerning the coming of the Batavians, their alliance with the Romans, the rebellion under Civilis and the renewal of the alliance (101:3-5).

+The most important source for such parallels was Grotius' ‘Liber de antiquitate reipublicae Batavicae’, 1610 (102:2), which astounds us with its reconstructions adjusted to the contemporary situation (102:3-4).

+Laws of the Batavians identical with the ‘old’ Great Privilege of 1477! (103:1). Archaeological arguments were also devised for the struggle of the Dutch provinces for priority within the Republic (place of residence of the Batavians (103:3), and for the question of the supremacy of prince or people (103:4-7).

+We also mention foreign examples of a similar application of historical knowledge (104:1-3).

II. Analysis of the representations

The heros eponymos Bato, whose historicity was doubted more and more (104:5), had with poetic licence been chosen by Hooft for the hero of a tragedy (104:6); in art however the historical figure of Civilis was preferred (104:7-8).

 

Foreign examples. Compared to the passion with which some problems of ancient Dutch historiography were treated by Dutch writers, the number of works of art in the historical genre is remarkable small. The Republic lacked the type of society which through commissions might have encouraged the sense for this form of art; to this may be added the fact that+the Dutchman attaches greater value to scientific argument than to a grand representation. It was no great period for the historical genre in spite of many favourable factors and foreign examples.

+Italy (105:1-6 & 106:1-5), Switserland (106:6-7), Germany (106:8-10),+England (106:11), Denmark (107:3) (Pl. 46:1 & 93:1).

Only for the decoration of the Amsterdam town hall did the Republic give a great historical commission with a Dutch subject, but then it was in two respects too late. A: Dutch painting had already turned from the history piece (in the widest sense of the word) to portraits and genre pieces+(107:4); B: the Amsterdam burgomasters desired scenes from the Batavian revolt, but what had been customary in the Italy of Vasari and Salvati, could in the second half of the 17th century only be called an antiquated programme. The artistic method of expression had outgrown the chroniclelike manner of representation; with regard to the decorative representation of an heroic matter the artistic sense was no longer content with a realistic

narrative manner, and - on the other hand - the time for a strictly historical mise en scène had not yet arrived.

Those who were responsable for the programme of the allegorical apotheosis of Frederick Henry (Huis ten Bosch) gave evidence of having moved more with the times, but they had to look abroad for the realization of their entirely un-Dutch plan (108:2). It is worth mentioning that practically without exeption the foreign examples cited above (p. 106/07) portrayed a comparatively recent past (108:3-4). They were commemorative paintings, something in between those which treated some event from the remote past, and the representations (usually executed in the form of prints), which together with pamphlets and gazettes followed closely upon topical events.

+These foreign creations were also often permeated with an heroic allure which had no connection with the historical importance of the event depicted (Leonardo, Michelangelo, Rubens). Which were the heroic elements of this form of art?

The battle (109:3) and the immediately resultant problem of portraying action, in other words compositional elements. Further decorative elements, requisites for indicating the historical-heroic world in which the event is considered to have occurred.

 

+a) Heroic elements of composition. Problem of depicting battles (Ucello, 110:1, Leonardo, 110:2-3 and his influence, e.g. on Rubens, 110:4). Rubens and Titian (110:5) (Pl. 46:3). Influence of Michelangelo (110:6),+Vasari (111:1) and Tintoretto (111:2). Rubens' Battle of Amazons (111:3). The old theme: the battle on the bridge and its later applications (111:6-10).+Contamination of the subject ‘Horatius Cocles’ (112:1) by the preceding theme (unhistorical stone bridge, 112:2-3). The theme: peace-negotiations on a demolished bridge. Application of these themes in the portrayal of the story of Claudius Civilis (Pl. 47 & 48) (112:5).

 

113 b) The appearance of the hero. For the portrayal of the historical primitive we could point (p. 82) to a number of already existing forms by means of which unhistorical but nevertheless primitive cultural conditions were customarily depicted (Adam and Eve af ter the Fall etc.). Such legendary elements were entirely non-existent in the heroic genre.

The official heroism of the 16th and 17th centuries was a creation of the Renaissance and was entirely constructed from classical elements. The mediaeval heroism of Charlemagne and King Arthur which had also had a great influence on mediaeval art (113:2), could in later ages only hold its own here and there as ‘gesunkenes Kulturgut’.

Classical and pseudo-classical elements in heroic costume. The elements in the heroic costume of the Renaissance are largely derived from the equipment

of a Roman warrior (113:3), especially of the Roman armoured statue (Pl. 39:1) (113:4). However, antiquity cannot be held responsible for everything in the Renaissance (Pl. 39:2) (113:5).

+We find romantic exaggerations (113:6), such as plumes (113:7), and Gorgon's heads on chest, knees and shoulders (114:1), such being without doubt under the influence of mediaeval demons (Pl. 37:1) (114:2-3). In order to survey this extensive complex of contaminations, it is necessary to distinguish between: 1) large heads on breast and stomach and 2) the smaller ones on the joints of the limbs.

The first sort is common for devils as early as the 13th century and before that date also for other figures: Atlas (114:4), Pallas Athene (114:5) (obviously a distant memory of the gorgoneion on the aegis). The second sort is not to be found before the second half of the 15th century (114:8), it may be regarded as an extensive application of the gorgoneion on the greaves+protecting the knees of classical armoured statues (115:1).

 

In the apparel of the Renaissance hero these gorgon-elements have thus been applied twice: once copied from mediaeval figures of devils and once immediately derived from classical examples. When the type of the classicistic hero had once come into being, a new type of devil (seigneur) originated on the stage and in art (Pl. 37:2) (115:2).

Influence of the art at Maximilian's court. Burgkmair's woodcuts for the ‘Genealogie’ (Pl. 41) (115:3-4). New ‘classical’ forms were propagated by+the court (festive decorations etc). Influence on Dutch artists (116:1-2): Gossaert, (116:3), Lucas v. Leyden, Jac. Cornelisz, Cornelis Antonisz (Pl. 42 & 43) (116:4), Frisius, 1622 (Pl. 44 & 45) (116:5-7).

+Direct influence from Italy. Jacopo Bellini (117:1), Jacopo Ripanda (117:2), Jan van Scorel (Pl. 40:1) (117:4). Sculpture: monument at Breda in Jan Mone style (Pl. 39:2) (117:5), sculptured figure heads, etc (Pl. 40:3).

+Codification of heroic forms by Rubens (118:1). The 17th and 18th centuries did not in the first place intend their hero in his classicizing costume to indicate an historical person; the main object was to portray heroic subjects in an heroic style. Because of that the Roman-classical disguise was almost inevitable for royal portraits (Pl. 40:2), (Charles I by Le Sueur 1631, Cromwell by Wilton 1762, 118:2). On the stage the influence of contemporary costume upon the heroic-historical apparel continually increases during the 18th century (118:3-5). Only af ter the classicistic period and the disappearance of the hero of royal blood was there a greater demand for historical accuracy (118:6). The cause lies in the abandonment of the idealistic conception of art. When the citizen becomes the principal character the realistic decor, the real accessory and also, in certain instances historially correct costume, appears on the scene.

Recapitulation of the first part (Chapters I-V)

Thus the existing iconographical groups, with which the new portrayal of national history could link up, were of two kinds: non-historical or non-+national. The non-historical groups were especially concerned with primitive forms of civilization. Their influence reveals itself in the formation of many, often unconscious, analogies.

The non-national examples were derived from the civilizations of Rome, Hellas and Israël which in the period dealt with here however were rarely regarded as foreign. In this field derivations were effected far more consciously than in the preceding group. For the historical consciousness of the 16th and 17th centuries the Bible and classical antiquity were the natural complements, the immediate precursors of the civilization of the day. As late as the 17th century popular history books begin with Adam and Eve and the kings of Rome (119:1).

‘Our ancient writers’ were Caesar and Tacitus. Every thing that was known or discovered about these remote civilizations was regarded as national property. Foreign, alien, in those days only meant the exotic, the terrestially remote.

Then gradually the dawning sense of a national past, guided by the increasing knowledge of the exotic peoples, came to realize that at one time the homeland must have known similar wild, strange i.e. non-biblical, and non-classical peoples (119:2).

The digesting of that first, rather upsetting impression was the great task of the humanistic men of letters. Theoretically there are two solutions to this problem: either one admits that the ancient national civilization was a primitive one, in which case one might if so minded lay stress on the higher ethical qualities, by means of which this civilization would have compared favourably with that of Rome; or else one proves that the ancient civilization must in fact be considered identical with that of Rome.

 

In this way a primitive and an heroic conception of the past are as it were opposed to each other. They were to be found at the same time and served totally different purposes. In the Dutch art of the 17th century all representations of the forefathers as an heroic people are to be interpreted as an indirect glorification of the present. It is a manner of representation in which admiration of the present is expressed in a metaphorical language derived from history. It is a transfer of the civilization of the day to the past. This type of product therefore is never without a social-political character.

The portrayal of the forefathers as a primitive people on the other hand always takes place in immediate connection with scientific research. In contrast with the representations discussed above these illustrations are entirely without a metaphorical character. That the 17th century could

have two such entirely different pictures of history at its disposal can only be explained through the distinction made above. Every one knew that the heroic portrayal was a stylization, a metaphor, of the same kind as the+allegory then so popular; in other words: a form of art, which belonged to a plane entirely different from the reconstructions of science. To give an example: the prints illustrating the text of the scientific work ‘De Germania antiqua’ by Cluverius, which appeared in 1616, could not possibly be used as a foundation for a representation in which the deeds of Brinio or Civilis were given as prototypes for those of William of Orange or Maurice. The main products of each type will be discussed in the next two chapters. This will be preceded by a discussion of the oldest picture from history, or rather, of the works of art which had to pass as such in the 15th and 16th centuries.


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