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Queeste. Tijdschrift over middeleeuwse letterkunde in de Nederlanden. Jaargang 2006 (2006)

Queeste. Tijdschrift over middeleeuwse letterkunde in de Nederlanden. Jaargang 2006

(2006)– [tijdschrift] Queeste–rechtenstatus Auteursrechtelijk beschermd

Vorige Volgende

[Nummer 2]

Urban literary propaganda on the battle of Pavia
Cornelis Everaert's ‘Tspel van den Hooghen Wynt ende Zoeten Reyn’
Samuel Mareel*

Introduction

‘Once in his lifetime, every man receives from God a rich harvest. If that man doesn't seize the opportunity to reap, there will not be a second chance.’1 With these prophetic-sounding words, extracted from a letter dated 25th of February 1525, Charles de Lannoy, Viceroy of Naples and commander of the imperial army in northern Italy tried to convince Charles v to come to the Peninsula as soon as possible. The day before, the imperial troops had inflicted a crushing defeat on the French army just outside of the Italian town of Pavia. The French militia had been almost annihilated and the French king Francis i, who had personally commanded his army in Pavia, was captured and taken prisoner, officially by de Lannoy himself.2 Habsburg hegemony was complete in Italy and the Viceroy of Naples believed that the circumstances were ideal for Charles to be crowned Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire by Pope Clement vii.

It would be another five years before Charles v actually made the voyage to Italy for his coronation, which de Lannoy, who died in 1527, would never witness. However, the Viceroy's view of the victory at Pavia as a rich crop just waiting to be harvested seemed to be as prophetic as the words he used to write it down the day after the event. The military triumph firmly grounded Habsburg power in Italy, while the captured Francis I was forced to accept the Peace of Madrid, a treaty that was highly favourable to Charles. At the same time, Pavia was used actively to influence public opinion with regard to imperial policy. There is probably no other episode in Charles v's eventful career that was so often depicted in words and images as the battle that took place on the 24th of February 1525. From the Low Countries alone, the region where Charles was born, numerous paintings, tapestries, objets d'art, pamphlets, prophecies, plays, poems and songs have come down to us dealing with the event.3



illustratie
Den strijdt gheschiet over tgheberchte voer de stadt van Pavye. Antwerp: Willem Vorsterman, 17/03/1525. Title page of one of the pamphlets distributed throughout the Netherlands after the Imperial victory near Pavia. Note the lily, symbol of the French royal house, in the eagle's one claw and the salamander, the personal emblem of Francis i, in the other. By courtesy of the Ghent university library.


In what follows, I would like to take a closer look at what seems to me to be the most interesting Dutch literary text on the battle of Pavia known today: Tspel van den Hooghen Wynt ende Zoeten Reyn (The play of the High Wind and the Sweet Rain) by Cornelis Everaert (ca. 1480-1556). The context in which this play was written and performed is relatively well documented, while the text itself constitutes a fascinating attempt to make an imperial military victory that took place almost a thousand kilometres away comprehensible and acceptable to an urban audience in Flanders. In a broader sense it also offers a unique insight into the functioning of imperial propaganda within a civil context.

Cornelis Everaert and the Bruges celebration of the battle of Pavia

Cornelis Everaert, the author of Tspel van den Hooghen Wynt ende Zoeten Reyn, was a Bruges artisan who, as so many of his fellow townsmen, worked in the cloth industry, in his case as a dyer and a fuller. His heart seems to have been first and foremost with

the world of letters, however. He was a member of the two chambers of rhetoric that existed in Bruges at that time: De Heilige Geest (The Holy Spirit) and De Drie Santinnen (The Three Saints).4 Chambers of rhetoric were urban amateur literary confraternities that recruited principally amongst the middle classes and that had their heyday in the Netherlands between the middle of the fifteenth and the end of the sixteenth century. Everaert never seems to have held the most prestigious literary function in these confraternities, namely that of factor, the person who wrote and directed most of the plays performed by the chamber. He was certainly a prolific playwright, however, for an autograph with thirty-five of his plays, the entirety of his known oeuvre, together with a copy of a drama text by a famous fifteenth-century fellow rhetorician from Bruges, Anthonis de Roovere, have come down to us.5 The document, which comprises religious, comical and socio-political drama, constitutes the largest collection of sixteenth century Dutch plays by a single author known to us and one of the most voluminous extant Dutch theatre manuscripts of that period.6

The first (and probably only) performance of Everaert's play on the battle of Pavia took place during the festivities organised by the Bruges city council to mark the joyous tidings arriving from northern Italy. Although Charles v himself is reported to have been ill-disposed towards exuberant celebrations of the victory,7 the proclamation of Pavia was followed by feasts in all the major cities of the Southern Netherlands. From the end of the fourteenth century, there are records of services, special sermons and thanksgiving processions to commemorate military victories and show gratitude to the Almighty.8 Religious acts, especially the so-called ‘general processions’, continued to form the heart of peace celebrations throughout the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. They were organised by city authorities, often on the explicit orders of the central government.9 From the end of the 1460s onwards, however, military successes and peace treaties also gave rise to more elaborate and profane festive behaviour. After the procession, all sorts of groups of citizens, such as neighbourhood associations, religious confraternities and, with a growing dominance, chambers of rhetoric decorated facades, lighted bonfires, performed plays, sang songs and read out poems.10 It was after the election of Charles v as Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire (1519) that peace celebrations came to full bloom and were organised throughout the Netherlands after practically every victory and peace treaty that concerned the Emperor. Their primary aim seems to have been to involve the population more actively with the policy and the person of the monarch, most of whose activities now took place outside the Netherlands. They thus had to compensate for the fact that

Joyous Entries, which had made up the most frequent urban princely festivity during the reigns of Charles's Burgundian predecessors, had become increasingly rare.11

The victory near Pavia was proclaimed from the Bruges belfry, the so-called ‘Halletoren’, by means of a municipal ordinance on the 8th of March 1525, actually two days before the news reached Charles v in Madrid. By this document the population was informed that on the 24th of February the imperial army had attacked the king of France, that this king had been taken prisoner and 14.000 of his soldiers killed.12 One day later, another ordinance notified the public that the next morning, i.e. the 10th, a general procession with the Holy Blood was to be carried through the collegiate church of St. Donatian, followed the day after by a Requiem mass for the victims from both camps in all the churches and monasteries of the city. On Sunday the 12th, a drama contest started in which the city aldermen awarded prizes in silver for the best theatre pieces on the victory. If there was not enough time to perform all the plays on that Sunday, the competition was to continue on Monday and Thursday afternoon. A more modest prize (12 jugs of wine) would go to whoever lit the most beautiful bonfire.13

Tspel van den Hooghen Wynt ende Zoeten Reyn

For as far as we can make out from the municipal ordinances, the participants in the Bruges drama competition were relatively free in what they brought on stage. The only requirements regarding form and content was that the plays should be spelen van zinne dealing with the victory and that authors and players abstain from mockery and disgraceful behaviour. Spelen van zinne (literally ‘plays of a sense’) is a collective term for different related types of serious rhetorician-drama containing very little real dramatic action but focussing rather on the development of a central thought or argument (a ‘sense’) by means of allegorical characters.14 Everaert's Tspel van den Hooghen Wynt ende Zoeten Reyn thus opens on a discussion between two allegorical representatives of the urban population, Eenich (One), a character dressed as a merchant, and Menich (Many), dressed as an artisan, who complain about the hard times caused by the war. The merchant is unable to travel around freely and can therefore not supply the goods needed by the artisan. Their conversation is brutally interrupted by an inflated character called Den Hooghen Wynt (The High Wind), who brags about his destructive powers and all the mischief he has already brought about, from holding Ulysses on sea for more than ten years, to destroying the house of Job and killing his children in it. All of a sudden, Den Zoeten Reyn (The Sweet Rain) mounts the stage and forces Den Hooghen Wynt to lie down.

Eenich and Menich are highly surprised by the scene and call on Redelicke Verstannesse (Good Sense) to explain the meaning of what they have just witnessed. The lady, who is dressed as a noblewoman, tells them that the French king can be compared to the High Wind, because with their conceited and obtrusive behaviour they both seriously disturb life in the air, in the sea and on the land. Charles, on the other hand, is more like the Sweet Rain. Through his raindrops - his brave captains Charles de Bourbon, the Marquis of Pescara and the Viceroy of Naples -, he has suppressed the High Wind and will feed the earth and everything that lives in and on it. The situation reminds Menich of the arrogant Goliath who had been thrown to earth by the humble David. Redelicke Verstannesse takes up the comparison and develops it further. Indeed the Marquis of Pescara and Charles de Bourbon can be compared to David. Like David, they defeated a tyrant and brought him to their lord - King Saul and Charles v respectively - who rewarded them in a generous manner. At this point in the performance, the spectators were shown a tableau vivant with David entering Jerusalem with the head of Goliath on the tip of his sword and being welcomed by women and young girls playing music. During the rest of the play, Eenich, Menich and Redelicke Verstannesse sing the praises of the Marquis of Pescara, of Charles de Bourbon, of Charles v and of the Almighty, who granted the Emperor this magnificent victory.

Everaert opened his Tspel van den Hooghen Wynt ende Zoeten Reyn by drawing on a highly realistic scene: a merchant and an artisan complain about the disastrous economic effects of the wars between Charles v and Francis i. The playwright often used this technique in his socio-political plays, probably because it permitted him to attract both the attention and sympathy of his public for what was to follow. For modern readers, this kind of passage constitutes a rare source of information on popular opinion in a large early modern Flemish town. Everaert permits us to eavesdrop as it were on a conversation in the streets of sixteenth century Bruges. Moreover, it provides us with data about the social and political context against which the play as a whole is to be interpreted, essential information that is often lacking from late medieval Dutch political drama. For as far as we can make out, these passages offer a true reflection of the opinions that circulated amongst the Bruges middle classes of merchants and artisans, a social group to which Everaert himself belonged. A clear indication of the veracity of Everaert's realism is that we know that it did not always please the authorities. It was a comparable scene, in which the playwright also evoked the effects of the endless wars of Charles v, that made the Bruges aldermen forbid the performance of his Tspel van dOnghelycke Munte (The play of the Uneven Currency), a text that the rhetorician wrote as a glorification of the peace treaty of Cambrai (1529), because, as the author himself bitterly noted in his autograph, ‘truth was not withheld’.15

The link between the Italian Wars and the poor state of the Bruges economy suggested by Eenich and Menich was certainly a realistic one. Although the economic downfall of the city had already set in during the second half of the fifteenth century and cannot be traced back to one single cause, Charles's wars against Francis i did seriously aggravate the situation. Eenich's claim, that if only he could travel around and

trade without worry, Menich's business would immediately flourish again, offers an accurate analysis of the problem.16 The Bruges artisan industry was dependant on the importation of raw material from abroad, especially for the production of high-quality cloth and luxury products such as hats, cloaks and gloves. During the heyday of the Bruges cloth industry, from about 1280 to 1480, the artisans used mostly English wool. In the course of the fourteenth century, however, the English began to produce cloth themselves and discouraged the exportation of its primary raw material. Bruges was therefore obliged to look for good wool elsewhere, and found it in Spain, especially in Castile, from where the raw wool was transported by boat to Bruges's outports Damme and Sluis. The itinerary of the Spanish vessels followed the western French coastline, a region that became increasingly dangerous for merchants from the imperial territories during the repeated conflicts between Charles v and Francis i. The supply of Spanish wool in Bruges therefore suffered gravely from the wars between Habsburg and France. In the war years 1528-29, 1544 and 1552-54 it even dried up completely.17 As a dyer and fuller, Everaert must have personally felt the heavy economic consequences of the diminished wool supply from Spain and been well aware of the actuality and the urgency of the economic situation.

Eenich and Menich are remarkably neutral and even critical in their statements about the war between the Emperor and the French King. They note that since two powerful, noble and rich princes do not wish to give way to one another, it will be a long time before peace returns (ll. 105-108). The lack of a distinct preference for Charles or Francis suggested here is reminiscent of the opening scene of another play that Cornelis Everaert wrote for a drama contest during the Bruges celebrations of Pavia, not organised by the city council but by the colony of Aragonese merchants in the city.18 In this play, a character called Menichte van Volcke (The People) says that he feels happy and sad at the same time. He rejoices because of the victory that God has granted the Emperor, but nevertheless the defeat of the French King makes him suffer (ll. 10-54). These two passages suggest that the population of Bruges did not really choose sides in the conflict between France and Habsburg and that their main concern was with the economic situation of their city.

Nature, allegory and the Bible

In the opening scene of his play, Everaert depicted what was probably the state of mind of most of his spectators: fatigue over the never-ending wars and over the economic recession they entailed. In order to be eligible for one of the prizes put up by the city, however, he had to sing the praises of Pavia, in other words explain to the audience why yet another battle should be a cause of joy for them. In the way in which

he tried to do this, the Bruges playwright showed himself to be a true rhetorician tried and tested in the composition of plays for drama contests. Participants in theatrical competitions of rhetoric often had to construct their plays around an answer to a question of a philosophical or theological nature, such as ‘Which divine mystery is most essential to man's salvation’ (Antwerp 1496) or ‘What is the greatest comfort to a dying man’ (Ghent 1539). This ‘questie’ was distributed beforehand in a so-called ‘chaerte’ or official invitation containing the conditions that participating texts had to fulfil as well as the place and time of the performances. The principal sources used by authors to found the arguments for their answers were allegory, parallels with the natural world and references to the Bible, often denoted as ‘figuere’ (‘figure’), ‘natuere’ (‘nature’) and ‘schriftuere’ (‘scripture’).19 Although the Bruges contest of 1525 does not seem to have started from any concrete question, Everaert built up his argument along the same lines as traditional competition plays. These plays, which are sometimes called ‘explicative drama’,20 were all about explaining a point and convincing the public of its validity and were therefore ideally suited to the propagandistic aims of urban peace celebrations.

To make the battle of Pavia comprehensible and acceptable to his audience, Everaert thus presents the events in Italy not as they really happened, but through allegory and parallels with the world of nature and of scripture. He then uses the motivation of the links articulated by the allegorical characters to legitimize the battle and to glorify the Emperor. Since the confrontation between Charles and Francis took place in February, the season in which soft rains chase away cold winter winds, the French King is compared to the dry barren air stream that disturbs life on earth.21 Charles on the other hand resembles more a soft shower: his army has forced the high wind to lie down and, just as sweet raindrops feed the earth, Charles will make trade and industry flourish again (ll. 289-293). Moreover, this natural phenomenon always takes place at the time of year when everything that grows is in the middle of its emergence. Likewise, in 1525, Charles, who was born in 1500 and on whose birthday the battle took place, was in the middle of his coming to full reason and power. More allegorical is the presentation of Charles and Francis through their heraldic emblems, as an eagle and a lily, an image found in practically every Dutch literary text on these two monarchs. Charles is an eagle, not simply because he is the Emperor, but because, the Bruges rhetorician argues, God destined that bird to fly higher than any other winged animal (ll. 321-322). In Pavia, the eagle has taken under its wings the lily, as well as most of the other flowers from the French garden (ll. 297-300).

The third and probably most interesting comparison put forward by the play is between the confrontation of Charles and Francis and the biblical story of David and Goliath, which was also presented visually to the audience by means of a ‘tooch’ or tableau vivant. In his plays on Charles v, Everaert regularly compared the Emperor to

David.22 This biblical hero had been considered a prototype of a good monarch and a noble knight since Carolingian times and belonged to the pantheon of the Nine Worthies, the nine greatest princes in the history of the world.23 In the case of Tspel van den Hooghen Wynt ende Zoeten Reyn, however, it is not Charles who is compared to David, but the Marquis of Pescara and Charles de Bourbon, two of the Emperor's generals who distinguished themselves during the battle. The haughty and tyrannical Francis I, needless to say, is Goliath. Since the army of Pescara and Bourbon was smaller in number than the troops the French King had at his disposal, they can be compared to the physically small David, who goes to battle against the giant Goliath, whom he defeats, thus delivering the people from a hated oppressor. The Marquis of Pescara and Charles de Bourbon, who are only generals, will bring the captured king Francis to Charles, just as young David presented the head of mighty Goliath to King Saul, for which, as in the biblical story, they will be generously rewarded.

The parallels drawn by Everaert between the battle of Pavia and the natural and biblical world not only provided his public with clear and intelligible images, they also situated the event within a higher order. Through, these similes the battle appeared not just as a fortuitous confrontation between two earthly rulers, but rather as a clash of virtues and vices. As nature and the Bible - both reflections of divine will and harmony - show, God invariably supports what is virtuous and punishes what is vicious. What Francis, the high wind, and Goliath have in common is their arrogant behaviour. ‘Never’, Redelicke Verstannesse states in the play, ‘have they received victory, they that, with haughtiness, have tried to harm the righteous through unjust deeds. God has always taken the virtuous into his protection’ (ll. 311-314).24 Ultimately, in Everaert's view, the defeat of the French King was a divine and predestined punishment for his arrogance. Charles, on the other hand, has had God on his side because he is humble and he has always tried to make peace, and because love and concord reign in his lands (ll. 280-283).

As has been written about him since olden times

Charles v's military triumph in Pavia was more than a divine confirmation of and reward for the just government of this prince, which would ere long show its positive effects on the Bruges economy, however. Throughout his play, Everaert also hinted at consequences of a far wider nature. Menich hopes that Charles will make the Turks tremble with fear, as has been written about him since olden times (ll. 259-260). Eenich wishes that the imperial victory, the most beautiful that has ever been wit-

nessed, might prevent all further Christian bloodshed (ll. 329-330). He believes moreover that the entire globe will be filled with awe for Charles (ll. 353-354). Finally, Redelicke Verstannesse is convinced that in this victory is contained such happiness, goodness and profit as has never been witnessed in the world either before or after the death of Christ (ll. 481-484). These references to the defeat of Ottoman power, to the world dominance of Charles v and to a period of great prosperity clearly fit in with the numerous prophecies that circulated at that time about the reign and the person of Charles v.25 Prophecy had been widespread throughout Europe during the Middle Ages, but seems to have been particularly intense during the numerous political and religious crises of the end of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth century. This period of uncertainty seemed to announce the end of history,26 a concept that had always been present in Christian thought and that had been interpreted either as the moment of the Last Judgment or, following Revelations 20: 1-3,27 as the beginning of a thousand-year period of universal happiness. This era was to be preceded by the reign of a universal prince, a second Charlemagne according to a French tradition, a Last Emperor according to a German one. This monarch was to bring the entire world under his dominance, thus fulfilling the prediction by Christ ‘that there will be one flock and one shepherd’.28

Throughout the later Middle Ages, several princes were identified as either the second Charlemagne or the Last Emperor. Eschatological prophecies applied particularly well to Charles v: the Emperor carried the mythical first name, was of French-German descent, thus uniting both prophetic traditions, ruled over a gigantic, still expanding empire, was born in the Holy Year 1500 and overtly nourished crusading ambitions that might install Christianity as the universal religion. This happy conjunction was actively used as a means of imperial propaganda, especially during the Italian Wars against Francis i, who also tried to claim the Last World Emperorship.29 Old prophecies were revived, new ones written and the whole was circulated by means of the printing press.30

As the above shows, the fact that a text on the battle of Pavia should refer to prophecies about Charles v is not so extraordinary. However, most of these prophetic texts can be linked directly to the imperial court or to pro-Habsburg circles and do therefore not tell us anything about the credence the population attached to these predictions. The fact that Everaert hints at them in his Tspel van den Hooghen Wynt ende Zoeten Reyn and uses them to create a positive image of the battle of Pavia seems to indicate that they were known in Bruges and that Everaert at least believed them to be effective as a means for imperial propaganda.

Conclusion

In the margin of his autograph, Everaert proudly noted that his Tspel van den Hooghen Wynt ende Zoeten Reyn ‘won the first prize put up by the city, being a silver plate’.31 It is not hard to understand why the play should have pleased the aldermen so much. The author linked the imperial victory in Italy to the solution of a highly topical problem that would have much preoccupied his spectators, namely the poor economie condition of Bruges. At the same time, he situated this relationship within a higher religious context in keeping with the essentially pious nature of peace festivals and used the whole as a means of propaganda for Charles v. Probably encouraged by his first prize, Everaert continued to write plays for peace celebrations organised by the Bruges city council. The battle of Pavia did not bring about the lasting peace everyone had hoped for. Other battles and peace treaties between the Emperor and the French King followed and provided the author with numerous occasions for which to write plays. He never seems to have won a first prize again, however. The critical realism, which makes the socio-political drama of this rhetorician so interesting for modern readers, seems to have been considered more and more inappropriate by the authorities and eventually led to a ban on the performance of his play on the peace of Cambrai in 1530. By that time there were probably very few people who still considered the events that took place outside Pavia on the 24th of February 1525 to be quite as rich a harvest as Charles de Lannoy, Viceroy of Naples, had believed them to be.

Samenvatting

Wellicht geen enkele episode uit de bewogen regering van Karel v werd in de eigentijdse kunst zo vaak uitgebeeld als de overwinning van de keizerlijke troepen op het Franse leger nabij de Noord-Italiaanse stad Pavia op 24 februari 1525. Voorliggende bijdrage gaat dieper in op een van de twee toneelstukken die de Brugse rederijker Cornelis Everaert aan dit voorval heeft gewijd: Tspel van den Hooghen Wynt ende Zoeten Reyn. De opvoering van dit stuk wordt eerst gesitueerd in de context van de Brugse viering die een tweetal weken na de militaire confrontatie plaatsvond. Vervolgens wordt gekeken naar de beeldvorming rond de slag en zijn twee protagonisten: Karel v en de Franse koning Frans i. Bijzondere aandacht gaat daarbij naar de manier waarop Everaert deze gebeurtenis begrijpelijk en aanvaardbaar probeerde te maken voor zijn stedelijke publiek.

 

Adres van de auteur:

Samuel Mareel

Universiteit Gent, Vakgroep Nederlandse Literatuur

Blandijnberg 2

b-9000 Gent

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