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De Gulden Passer. Jaargang 84 (2006)

De Gulden Passer. Jaargang 84

(2006)– [tijdschrift] Gulden Passer, De–rechtenstatus Auteursrechtelijk beschermd

Vorige Volgende

Tom Deneire
Justus Lipsius's Admiranda (1598) and the Officina Plantiniana
Mixing Otium with Negotium*



illustratie

The most touching epitaph I ever encountered was on the tombstone of the printer of Edinburgh. It said simply: ‘He kept down the cost and set the type right’.
Gregory Nunn (*1955-, American golfer)

The Admiranda: a case study of sixteenth century dealings between author and printer?

Gregory Nunn's interpretation, as quoted above, of the virtue of the Edinburgh printer is probably every bit as truthful as it is witty. Even today, publishing a book is still a rather troublesome affair for both printer and author. While the former has to deal with slipshod typescripts or indecipherable corrections in proof sheets, the latter is exasperated by endless delays, nerve-racking misprints, etc. Yet, if this observation is true for authors and printers of today, one can scarcely imagine the horrors of sixteenth-century humanists and their typographi. Quite unsurprisingly, dissension and quarrels between both parties were the rule rather than the exception in Early Modern times. None other than Erasmus, for instance, has written quite vigourously against the bad printers of his time...1

 

The relations between Justus Lipsius and his printing company, the Offtcina Plantiniana, are an exception to this ‘rule’.2 The Leuven humanist stayed ever true to his printers, who were also his friends - first Christopher Plantin, then Franciscus Raphelengius sr. and finally Johannes Moretus - and they in turn spared neither trouble nor expense to keep the showpiece of their house happy. This alone seems reason enough to have a closer look at these relations between a highly succesful humanist author and probably the best printing firm between 1550-1650. Moreover, in the case of Lipsius and the Antwerp Officina Plantiniana, there is a great deal of firsthand material preserved which enables us to study these rela-

tions, since a substantial part of the correspondence of both parties has been preserved in the archives of the Museum Plantin-Moretus or in various editions and manuscript collections all over Europe.

Perhaps one of the best occasions by far to study this theme, is provided by the publication of Lipsius's Admiranda sive De Magnitudine Romana3 in 1598. The sheer size of the extant correspondence between Lipsius and his printers in that year (we have about 30 letters between them in 1598, whereas we know of only 35 from the period 1573-1597)4 and the large number of references to the Admiranda in Lipsius's letters from 15985 (almost one in three in some way or another refers to the work)6 are responsible for this.7 Moreover, at least three other factors make the publication of the Admiranda and the way in which it reflects Lipsius's relations with the Moretuses, a particularly interesting subject of research. Firstly, in 1598 the future head printer Balthasar Moretus visibly takes over the Latin business correspondence from his father and in this capacity represents the Officina Plantiniana towards Lipsius.8 Secondly, the Officina Plantiniana's 1598 cashbook (mpm, Arch. 75, Journal 1598) has been preserved, which contains daily and detailed descriptions of all book sales in 1598. And finally, it will be seen that the Admiranda is a typically ‘Lipsian’ work. As a result, the relations between Lipsius and his printers as they emerge from the correspondence about the Admiranda, will be fairly representative for the relations between both parties in general.

Lipsius in the Admiranda: ancient history, contemporary politics and eternal Rome

Lipsius's Admiranda sive De Magnitudine Romana is a well studied book. Excellent articles by Marc Laureys and Jan Papy9 have made clear the exact nature of the book, the disposition of its theme and its place within a wide tradition of works on (the greatness of) Rome. It suffices here to repeat that in spite of what has been thought in the past, the Admiranda is neither a traveller's guide for Rome nor a reflection of Lipsius's stay in the città eterna

when he was a student (1568-1570).10 The book is a part antiquarian, part historical narrative on the greatness of Rome,11 mixing humanist fascination for the remnants of the antique world with the Christian belief that the great capital of the Roman Empire lives on in the capital of the Roman Catholic faith.12 Lipsius's book on Rome is therefore in one respect closely bound with medieval and early humanist ‘admiring’ works on Rome which treat it as a sort of open air museum of antiques, but in another also with the more Catholic orientation which the Counter Reformation lent to this mirabilia- or miracula-genre.13 Yet, Laureys and Papy point out the fact that Lipsius is no mere epigone of this tradition. He integrates this moral and religious undercurrent of the Admiranda in his very own views on the purpose of historiography, by making it clear that the greatness of the ancient city of Rome also has to serve as an example for the contemporary (and future) generation of rulers in Europe.14 This is also the reason why he dedicated the work to Archduke Albert of Austria,15 who had been occupying the position of governor general for the Spanish king in Brussels since 1596, and who would soon become, by the Act of Cession of 6 May 1598, Sovereign of the Low Countries with his wife to be, Isabella of Spain.16

To understand this, Laureys and Papy point at the Admiranda as part of a larger project.17 First of all, the Admiranda Romana as published in 1598, was supposed to be followed by Admiranda Iudaica, Aegyptiaca, Iberica and Gallica,18 which Lipsius was not able to fin-

ish. Yet, they also connect the Admiranda with an older and larger project of Lipsius's: the comprehensive and explanatory Fax Historica,19 which was meant to serve as a torch ‘illuminating all historiographers, yes even all writers’.20 Yet, one should not interpret this project in a merely historical or philological way.21 With Karl Enenkel22 it should be pointed out that Lipsius's pedagogical program of interpreting ancient historians with students always served a threefold purpose: (1) historical-didactical (historia), (2) moral-pedagogical (mores) and (3) politological (prudentia). The Admiranda is therefore not only a storehouse of historical or anecdotal information on ancient Rome (1), it also aims to present its readers with examples worthy of imitation in private (2) and public life (3) alike.

This last element explains why the Admiranda can also be linked to Lipsius's Monita et exempla politica (1605),23 a so-called ‘mirror-of-princes’-work, written to elucidate and supplement his popular and influential Politica sive Civilis doctrina (1589). These Monita et exempla are also dedicated to Albert of Austria, but although the work is published after the Admiranda, it is known for a fact that Lipsius was considering dedicating his Monita to Albert well before the Admiranda.24 Moreover - and this is an aspect which has been hitherto somewhat neglected in the secondary literature25 - one sees that Lipsius explicitly links the themes of the Admiranda and the Monita et exempla in his correspondence of 1597. In ile [x], 97 08 05 c, for instance, he writes to Antonio Covarrubias (not by coincidence a Spaniard):

I am now thinking of publishing De Magnitudine Romana and adding the Monita et Exempla Politica later on, a work which is almost finished. Yet, this work is about examples and is therefore secondary to history. It will be a prelude and preliminary exercise to the first one.26

A few months later he is even more explicit in a letter to Martinus Antonius Delrio:

The printing of my Admiranda or De Magnitudine Romana (I gave it this title) has already begun and I even have some quires, if only you could see them! And look, this one subject brings about another, which is akin to it, namely the greatness of other peoples, such as the Jewish, the Egyptian, Persian, Macedonian and others and finally the Spanish. This will be the second part of the Admiranda. And because this is a nice title (I am joking here) maybe I will write a third one, Admiranda on virtues and vices. Perhaps you see where I am going: I aim to stick to the project I begun about the theme of Monita et Exempla.27

The politological range of the Admiranda is therefore obviously a very important feature of the work. By dedicating his book to Albert of Austria, a high-ranking representative of the Spanish-Habsburgian establishment in the Netherlands, and by adapting the sources28 and the very structure29 of the work to his own purposes, Lipsius makes quite clear that worldly rulers should draw political lessons from the greatness of Rome. However, one should perhaps not pursue this line of thought into an ideological interpretation of the Admiranda as propaganda for the Spanish empire.30 In my mind, Lipsius's conception of the ideal state was undoubtedly an imperialistic one after the ancient Roman model. Yet, this does not necessarily mean that Lipsius really carries on propaganda for the current regime. His work is after all largely historically orientated (cf. supra: ‘historiae accedit’).31 More likely, Lipsius's concern is merely to uphold the shining example of the imperium Romanum for emulation by the contemporary policy, which happens to be the Habsburgian-Spanish imperialist rule. If his influential dedicatee and his Spanish acquaintances should spontaneously interpret this as propaganda, all the better for Lipsius...32

 

In this way, it is clear why the Admiranda can be dubbed a genuinely ‘Lipsian’ work. The book is connected with a broad medieval and humanist tradition of works on Rome - Lipsius was very well-read, not only in classics and contemporary works, but also in medieval sources.33 Also, it is neatly embedded in Lipsius's own humanist program, which embraces philological, historical, moral - or educational - philosophical and political purposes alike. Finally, there is one last element I wish to stress and which could point at the quite Lipsian nature of the Admiranda. Ever since his own peregrinatio academica to Italy and Rome, Lipsius was

very keen on the country and its people (although his attitude changed somewhat over the years as he realised the dangerous enticements of the big city).34 Yet, even though he received numerous (and attractive) invitations to visit Italy or to occupy a professorship there,35 Lipsius would never cross the Alps again. Instead he may have wanted to make the Admiranda his personal tribute to Rome in particular and Italy in general.36 When sending his book to Paulo Monelia of Genoa for instance, he wrote:

Or do you think that I would not like to see my beloved Italy again some time? The many famous men and minds in it? The many monuments of famous deeds or men? I would very much like to and I could not resist expressing this feeling two or three times in my book Admiranda, which I have now issued. It deals with the Greatness of Rome, which was unknown or discredited but which I have now restored, and I am convinced that I have done my best (forgive me my pride) for your people and land. Which, in any case, I have supported and praised and my book itself will tell you with how much pleasure I did so.37

A thematical analysis of ile [XI] (1598): the Admiranda issued and reissued

As mentioned before, a close study of the correspondence with regards to the Admiranda can be of invaluable importance for a correct understanding of the dealings and relations between Lipsius and his printing house. In the following pages I aim therefore to offer a detailed and comprehensive analysis of the information on the first and second edition of the Admiranda. Afterwards I will try to interpret this information with a view of those relations. Evidently the stress will be on the 1598 correspondence between Lipsius and the Officina Plantiniana, although various other correspondents and some 1599 letters will be included to make the story on the first and second edition of the work complete. A survey of all letters (including those written before and after 1598) mentioning the Admiranda is beyond my scope and besides, a good summary is available in the paper of Laureys and Papy.38

 

The correspondence of 1598 on the Admiranda starts somewhat in medias res. Around 14 October 1597 Lipsius had sent the manuscript to the Officina Plantiniana,39 but unfortu-

nately we have only one letter between Lipsius and Antwerp until 2 January 1598, which, in addition, does not deal with the Admiranda. The printing process, however, which had started at the end of October 1597,40 seems in January 1598 to proceed less quickly than anticipated and as a result Lipsius must have suggested to print the Admiranda Romana first and to leave the second part of the project as it was for the moment (‘alteram Admirandorum partem premere ad tempus’).41 Moretus gladly agrees as this modus operandi ensures the availability of the Admiranda Romana at the Lent-edition of the Frankfurter Büchermesse.42 In the same letter Balthasar Moretus also writes that he will take some folia to Lipsius's Jesuit friend Andreas Schott the next day, who will proofread (parts of) the work. Moreover, all through January the Moretuses send Lipsius galleys to correct43 and Schott lends Lipsius a book by Ludovicus Demont(i)osius,44 which could be useful for a second edition of the Admiranda.45 This concern for a second and revised edition of the Admiranda is constantly present in Lipsius's mind and returns numerous times in the 1598 correspondence. Also, in January one already notices the eager anticipation of the work by people such as Marcus Welser of Augsburg.46 This is partly due to Lipsius's own enthusiastic announcements in the second half of 1597,47 but also because of Schott, who praised those parts which he had already read to some friends of his (cf. infra).

At the end of January Moretus touches upon a small problem. The praefatio which Lipsius is to write to his dedicatee Albert of Austria is being delayed due to the ‘dubius hic rerum status’.48 Lipsius's letter to Martinus Antonius Delrio of 4 February makes clear what is meant exactly:

You will say: ‘Now what about your Admiranda?’ They are delayed virtually on the finishing line by our great ruler and charioteer, who is holding the reins. For, I have dedicated the work to him, as I think I have already told you. Now, doubts arise about his titles and about whether or not to omit his Holy Purple [i.e. his cardinalship], as the King does in his letters. I have even consulted the oracle of the Court. They responded that we will have to wait a while, until letters from Spain arrive with a clear answer. And so I wait and my printer with me, although not to our lik-
ing. You know that precisely in a praefatio one has to say or rather not say some things, according to the direction the wind is blowing from.49

Lipsius is obviously a bit nervous because of this unexpected turn of events, which causes uncertainty about the correct titling to use for Albert,50 as the latter would certainly have to renounce his cardinalship in light of his engagement to Isabella, of which rumours were spreading. Lipsius rues the patience he and his printer must exercise, although we know that Moretus would have welcomed some extra time, for his printers could already hardly keep up with the setters, as it was.51 Eventually the matter is resolved by the end of the month when Lipsius hears for certain that he can still retain Albert's religious title.52 Presumably, he would have been pleased with this outcome of the matter, as Albert of Austria, Archduke of the Holy Roman Empire, Governor of the Spanish Netherlands and Cardinal of the Roman Catholic Church, represented every secular and religious authority, with which he wanted to stand well.

In the rest of February one sees the impatience of Lipsius's acquaintances to see the publication at hand. The Officina Plantiniana, for instance, sends Lipsius an extract of a letter from Henri d'Oultreman, who eagerly anticipates the Admiranda.53 From Antwerp (Heribert Rosweyden) and Augsburg (Marcus Welser) Lipsius also hears very favourable sounds about his work which is yet to be published.54 He is evidently somewhat bothered by this premature praise, which he correctly assumes has been trumpeted about by Andreas Schott, who must have spoken highly of the work to his friends in Antwerp and Augsburg. Lipsius answers to both Rosweyden and Welser55 with caution in mind and asks not to count the chickens before they are hatched. To Rosweyden Lipsius already states that he is not that happy with the first edition of the Admiranda and that he is looking forward to a reissue. As he mentions this a few times in 1598, the plan for a second edition was quickly known in humanist circles.56 Still, Lipsius cannot refrain himself from arousing his correspondents' expectations about the first edition, as he also mentions the Admiranda to friends in Leiden, such as Gerard Buytewech and Josephus Justus Scaliger.57 At the very end of February the printing of the work is almost finished.58 Balthasar Moretus only wishes to see the prae-

fatio in order to be able to judge if its length will effect the place and character size of the notes.59

 

The dedicatory letter to Albert of Austria, then, is dated 1 March and one can readily assume that the Admiranda was available by the end of the month, as Lipsius sent the first copies to Buytewech and Scaliger on 27 March.60 Furthermore, the Officina is already thinking ahead in medio March, as Moretus acknowledges receiving Lipsius's revised Saturnalia and Amphitheatrum to be reissued.61 At the same time, Lipsius is most eager to know what the literary world thinks of his Admiranda. Apparently, he had asked Moretus to send a copy to Delrio, but when Delrio keeps silent for a while, Lipsius seemingly incidentally asks:

There has been a lot to do about Britain, even about a reconciliation with the Pope and the Church (yes, don't laugh!). What do you say? Are those not Admiranda [i.e. wondrous things], even greater than ours? I thought I had sent you these, but did the messenger or Moretus perhaps make a mistake?62

In April Lipsius suddenly falls ill with severe bronchitis which will last until at least medio May.63 Consequently, his activities come close to a halt. Also, Balthasar Moretus states that because of his brother's absence - Johannes ii always went to Frankfurt to represent the Officina's interests - the reissues of Lipsius's Saturnalia and Amphitheatrum cannot be started for lack of time. Still, he sends Lipsius a copy of the Admiranda with a blank page inserted every other page for jotting down corrections or additions.64 On 22 April Lipsius tells Delrio that it was shortly after he was in Brussels to present Albert of Austria with his Admiranda that he fell ill. Lipsius also informs him that he is very much interested in any remarks he might have, as a second edition of the Admiranda is already on its way.

I send along a copy and I would have liked to discuss it face to face with you and to hear not only your opinion about it, but also your detailed remarks. You will be able to suggest many things or maybe leave out or alter a great deal and I would have liked it better if we could have done this sort of thing in person. Yet, this was not possible, please do what is possible. You see that I would like this very much, as I am revising the work and Moretus is considering a second edition.65

Having said this, Lipsius throws in that he is working on the second part of his Admiranda,

the Admiranda Austriaca or Hispanica. In the same month he sends copies of his book to some acquaintances in the German empire and Italy, namely Marcus Welser, Johannes Vivianus66 and Giambattista Sacco.67

In May, the first reactions on the Admiranda start to pour in. The first to congratulate Lipsius with the work is Josephus Justus Scaliger (10 May).68 In a letter to Paulo Monelia dated 19 May, Lipsius again mentions the reissue of the Admiranda and explicitly adds that he would recommend this edition in the future.69 Apparently, he was afraid the first edition contained a few mistakes,70 or perhaps he is just being overly cautious and modest, for fear of criticism, as is his wont sometimes.71 By chance - or perhaps not?72 - he is out of copies of the first edition to send to Monelia...

Somewhere in June - the letter is only fragmentarily preserved and not dated - Lipsius hears from his former student, the Scotsman William Barclay, that his Admiranda have been pirated in Paris. He does not seem to mind the reprint in itself, but he is disappointed that the printers used the first edition73 for their illicit reprint and did not wait for the second edition which he had sent in manuscript to Moretus.74 Lipsius also mentions another part of his Admiranda-project again, this time the De Magnitudine aviarum gentium, which could have been the working title covering the whole of the second part of the Admiranda, namely on other peoples besides the Roman (cf. n. 27). In a letter dated 5 June, Moretus has not yet received Lipsius's corrected Admiranda, but observes that he plans to reissue it in octavo. The reason for this seems to be that this format would be cheaper and more handy to use than the rather large quarto.75 Also, Marcus Welser, who is obviously annoyed with his small faux pas from February, even bothers to repeat that people really appreciate the work.76 On 12 June, then, Moretus acknowledges receiving the revised version of the Admiranda and states that he is planning to put it to bed immediately after the Saturnalia, because he wants the same compositor, who is currently working on the Saturnalia, to set the Admiranda too. The latter is said to be not only the most skilled of all the Plantin setters, but also the one who

is most experienced with Lipsius's writing.77 Unfortunately, a few days later Moretus writes that this compositor, François vanden Bossche, has died after a short illness.78 As a result, the work on the Saturnalia and therefore also the Admiranda is temporarily put on hold.79

In a letter to Scaliger of 4 July, Lipsius opens by saying that he is currently in Antwerp because of reasons of health.80 However, it is most likely that he does not tell Scaliger the full reason for his visit. It appears from the correspondence that in 1598 Lipsius lent the Officina Plantiniana 4000 florins81 and it is very probable that he went to Antwerp on this occasion to discuss this loan. Moreover, it seems likely, in view of the printing delay, that Lipsius also went to Antwerp to confer with Johannes Moretus on the current reprints and reissues of a number of his works.

Then, a curious thing comes up in Lipsius's next letter to the Officina Plantiniana (20 July), in which he evidently alludes to their agreement on the above mentioned loan:

About the money, it is as I have written: it remains as yet with the arbitrators and trustees, which turns out to be rather inconvenient, as I had the opportunity to make a good investment quite close to my property at Overijse. Yet, we will see and do what we can, since it is not always possible to do what we want. I will send the Amphitheatrum next time, as it was not ready yet. At the same time I will add the Admiranda, which I would like to be reissued before the Roman printers (which I fear) beat us to the punch.82

It is strange that Lipsius mentions sending his revised Admiranda again, as Moretus received the corrected version 12 June (cf. supra). Possibly Lipsius had been somewhat hasty in his revision of the work and had used the printing delay when the compositor died, to revise the work more diligently than he had done the first time. Lipsius and Moretus probably also spoke of these matters when they met in Antwerp a few weeks before. It will eventually take until 10 August for Lipsius to finish this final version of the revised Admiranda.83

In ile [xi], 98 07 23 Balthasar Moretus announces that the reissue of the Saturnalia has been restarted. In the beginning of August, the edition is next to finished and the Officina has received the revised version of the Amphitheatrum which Lipsius promised before.84 Contrary to the previous agreement (cf. supra), but probably according to the new plan,

discussed at Antwerp, this work is then reissued first. Also, as Johannes ii is by then again preparing to go to Frankfurt, Balthasar Moretus already anticipates that he will not have enough time during his brother's absence to correct the Admiranda.85 Somewhere during the first half of September, the work on the Amphitheatrum is finished, so that finally the way is clear for the reissue of the Admiranda.86 However, yet another two of Lipsius's works threaten to take its place, as Moretus had already asked Lipsius at the end of August to revise his Poliorcetica and Politica as the Officina is almost out of these works.87

Apart from some insignificant remarks, it is curiously quiet about the Admiranda in October - we possess no letters from Moretus written in October - and the progress that is made with the work (if any) remains in the dark. The same is true for the first part of November, until 14 November when Balthasar Moretus lets Lipsius know that the reissue of the Poliorcetica has already begun and that the Admiranda will now be reissued after Stephanus Pighius's Annales88 have been finished.89 From other letters, it is known that Moretus was somewhat troubled with the fact that this edition kept dragging on and this is probably why he wanted to get it out of the way first.90 Still, it seems as if Lipsius's wish for a quick reissue is being ignored all this time (cf. infra). After all, why start the Poliorcetica and not the Admiranda?

Also interesting to see is that one finds real evidence in the November letters of someone actually reading Lipsius's Admiranda. Hieronymus Mercurialis discovered a reference to his Ars Gymnastica91 in the book92 and he thanks Lipsius abundantly.93 I find this significant, as it was not always easy for humanists to keep up with the steady flow of new books being issued.94 On 27 November, Balthasar Moretus finally announces that the long-awaited second edition of the Admiranda is finally in the press.95 The printing house chose to reissue the work in quarto after all (cf. supra) as it would not have been elegant to change this format which had been used in many of his other publications too.

After that the 1598 correspondence falls silent on the work, although Lipsius does speak of yet another part of the Admiranda-project, the De Magnitudine Sacra sive Iudaica, which should be available shortly in his mind.96 This is obviously a bit exaggerated.97 In April Lipsius mentioned Admiranda about the Spanish people, in June he seems to be speaking of a comprehensive work on other peoples, whereas at the end of December, there is talk of a work on the Jews. However, Lipsius would never finish any of these sequels to the Admi-

randa Romana,98 according to his biographer Aubertus Miraeus because of his premature death.99

In the first stages of 1599 the same modus operandi becomes apparent as in 1598 with the first edition of the Admiranda. Balthasar Moretus sends Lipsius quires to correct, but the process seems to go quite slowly.100 Certainly towards the end of February Balthasar explains that he has a lot of work to do, amongst other things a reissue of Bernartius's commentary to Statius, which had already been started in 1598.101 It is possible that this might have caused some irritation with Lipsius,102 but his wait would soon be over, for finally on 19 March 1599 - one full year after the first edition - the long awaited second, edition of the Admiranda is finished.103

Lipsius and the Officina Plantiniana: a question of business and pleasure

I choose to break off my chronological survey of the correspondence regarding the Admiranda at this point, as a detailed discussion of the rest of the story would lead me too far. Some views on the joint edition of the Admiranda that was made in Rome in 1600, together with a reprint of the deceased Stapleton's Vere Admiranda seu de magnitudine Romanae ecclesiae (Antwerp: Johannes Moretus, 1599) and the Italian translation made by Filippo Pigafetta in the same year,104 can be found in other secondary literature on the Admiranda.105 Having analysed the factual information, I will now have a look at the relations between Lipsius his printer(s), which I set out to examine at the start of my paper.

First of all, one notices that Lipsius is characteristically enthusiastic, at times even anxious about his Admiranda. It has already been seen that he proudly announced it to many of his friends and correspondents in 1597 and the earlier stages of 1598. Not only the number of correspondents to whom he holds out the prospect of the Admiranda, but also the tone in which he does so is telling. To Claudius Ancantherus at the Emperor's court in Prague he wrote:

I have recently been writing the Admiranda or On the Greatness of Rome, and I believe that I shall describe great things even for learned men from my point of view and even greater things for the common man, if he is at least capable of this.106

Also the amount of emotional interest which Lipsius invests in, for instance, the seemingly small problem on the correct entitling of Albert of Austria is surely indicative of his commitment to his work. Another sign of his keenness is Lipsius's work rhythm. One sees this, for instance, when he revises the Admiranda. The first revision is done between 18 April and 12 June. Quite speedily, if one considers that in the meanwhile Lipsius had travelled to Brussels to present the Archduke with the work (which should at least have taken a few days) and fell ill virtually the same time (beginning of April) until medio May, which prevented him from doing any serious work for a least a week or more.107 Also Lipsius's concern for a quick reissue by the Officina instead of a reprint by some foreign printer or another and his worries over small mistakes in the first edition can be seen in this light.

It is very telling for the general nature of the relationship between Lipsius and his printers108 that his enthusiasm and dedication is clearly met with the same amount of passion and zeal from their side. Balthasar Moretus, who is only 24 years old at the time and who became very fond of Lipsius during his short (and difficult) stay with him as a contubernalis,109 always treats Lipsius with great respect in his letters and is very eager to do well in his job at the Officina Plantiniana.110 Occasionally, he seems somewhat tense and making a fuss, for instance during the busy times when his brother is away to Frankfurt and he has to manage the emporium himself.111 But all in all, Balthasar seems to be doing a fine job. Lipsius congratulates his father with his son's conscientiousness112 and Balthasar himself seems very keen to work his way through the numerous galleys, notes or corrections. He was a fine scholar of Latin and appears as eager to learn from the great master as to correct any small mistake he might notice:113

I write for almost no other reason than to salute you and I send some galleys, of which two have to be corrected. In these galleys there are one or two things which I am unsure of. I do not understand Musivum opus, and, provided that the word is correct, I would like to learn its meaning from you, Sir, if it is not too much to ask. Also, I have corrected perystilo in peristylo, and with reason, I presume.114

This sharp eye for details brings us to the professionalism of the Officina Plantiniana. For instance, the way in which they keep Lipsius informed about the various stages of the printing process is exceptional. Also, whenever a decision has to be made about any aspect of the edition, however small, Lipsius is always consulted. Of course, the printers make suggestions of their own about the place of notes, the font size, the paper format,115 etc. as they have various commercial and technical aspects to take into consideration, but invariably Lipsius is informed about the planned modus operandi and there is always room for discussion. Moreover, they are always honest in business matters and without fault inform Lipsius when something will be delayed or cannot go according to plan.116 Naturally, one has to ask whether this willingness of Lipsius's printers can be explained by professionalism only. The Officina Plantiniana was an outstanding printing house, probably the best of the sixteenth century, but can one point at other reasons why the Moretuses are as diligent and keen towards Lipsius as they are?

First of all, one has to realise that Lipsius has always been on excellent terms with the managers of the Officina Plantiniana, whether in Antwerp dealing with Christopher Plantin, in Leiden with Franciscus Raphelengius or back in Antwerp with Johannes Moretus and his sons. In virtually every letter (however businesslike) they inform about each other's health, family, or other personal affairs.117 In this way, Lipsius is kept up to date on what befalls Moretus's family in 1598 (the marriage of his daughter,118 the (ill) fortune of Melchior,119 the political situation in Antwerp,120 etc.). He also received a couple of social invitations to visit Antwerp, which he usually declined for reasons of health, work or due to the unwillingness of his wife.121

Still, one ought not to remain blind to more practical reasons for the good relations between Lipsius and his printers. As mentioned above, Lipsius lent the Officina a large sum of money in 1598 and if only for this, his printing house will have tried to accommodate the needs and wishes of their prise author. Furthermore, one has to realise that in Early Modern times writers did not make any money out of their publications. They are usually ‘paid’, or rather rewarded for their efforts, with a number of copies which they can disperse according to their wishes. Housing a famous humanist such a Lipsius, whose books usually sold out more than one edition, was therefore a very profitable thing for the Officina Plantini-

ana. Therefore, more often than one might think, such commercial motives have an effect on the process of printing and reprinting Lipsius's books. In the above, it was clearly demonstrated that Lipsius looked forward to having his Admiranda reissued as quickly as possible. Still, the reissue took a full year to be completed as it was interrupted by other plans, namely the reissues of the Saturnalia and Amphitheatrum, which are finished before the Admiranda, and later on reprints of the Politica and Poliorcetica, which will also be issued in 1599. In the case of the Amphitheatrum, the printers even went back on an explicitly made promise (cf. supra). Yet, one has to keep in mind that having a book (re)issued in just one year is in fact quite swift already.122 Lipsius's eagerness and insistence is inspired by his worrying and nervous nature. From a printing point of view the Officina did everything they could to accommodate his wishes as well as possible.123 Still, the Officina would have had their own business interests which had to be cared for. When one takes a look at Moretus's cashbook from 1598, it is plain that after the publication of the Admiranda there was a lot of demand for Lipsius's treatise on the amphitheatre. Since the previous print (reprint of the editio princeps of 1584) dated back to 1589 (Leiden: Franciscus Raphelengius) and the second edition of the Admiranda could not be ready for the autumn Frankfurt book fair anyway, it is quite reasonable from a commercial point of view to take the Amphitheatrum first. Presumably, the reissue of the Saturnalia was then sped up in the same spirit of commercial success of Lipsius's antiquarian works.124 In the case of the Poliorcetica and Politica similar reasons were explicitly cited (cf. supra). At the end of 1598 the printers must then have realised that the reissue of the Admiranda deserved renewed attention. Their cashbook shows that by 24 December more than 1150 copies of the book had been sold.125

So what was in the deal for Lipsius, if he was not paid for his books? Firstly, Lipsius was by no means obliged to cover part of the printer's expenses or to ensure a minimum sale of his books, by having to purchase a percentage of the relatively large editions126 himself, unlike many other authors publishing with the Officina Plantiniana.127 Secondly, he could have as many copies as he wanted,128 which not every author who was published at the Officina Plantiniana could take for granted. Thirdly, the Moretuses always sent him the Frankfurt catalogue129 and offered to procure any publication that might interest him, quite often

without him having to pay for it. Also, they almost act as Lipsius's representatives or agents in Antwerp, taking care of mail and sendings to or from Leiden and other parts of the world.130 A final and important element has to be the reputation of the Officina Plantiniana, from which Lipsius could benefit. Under Christopher Plantin the firm had made its name not only as an excellent printing house, but as a pro-Catholic and pro-Spanish firm in particular with the edition of the famous Biblia Regia and their good relations with the Antwerp Jesuits.

In the end, Lipsius seems quite lucky to have had a printer and friend such as Plantin, Moretus and his sons and he surely realised this himself. In September 1598 he wrote to Johannes Moretus:131

I think that you print my scribblings as succesfully as I write them poorly. For, they are not written out and you always get virtually the first version of them. You ask when I will visit you? As quickly as possible. Not only am I happier when I stay with you, I return afterwards as a better man, thanks to my friends and you, who are so nice to me. Thanks to you, whose house and table I use and enjoy: an inherited charge. For it was something that I enjoyed first with Plantin, ah that good friend of ours (he was the beginning of this sacred friendship), then with his wife after he died and now with you, a child of both. My good friend, as an octopus I stick to you; and if you send me out through the front door, I shall sneak in again through the back!132

Samenvatting

In dit artikel wordt het drukproces van Justus Lipsius' historisch-antiquarische boek Admiranda sive De magnitudine Romana (1598) gebruikt als een case study ter illustratie van zijn relatie met het Plantijnse Huis. Naast de diverse professionele aspecten in deze relatie tussen een auteur en zijn drukker (negotium), krijgen ook de persoonlijke elementen van het contact tussen beide families aandacht (otium).

Ter algemene duiding wordt eerst een korte beschrijving gegeven van de aard, inhoud en structuur van de Admiranda. De historische, didactische en politologische inslag van het boek wordt belicht en in perspectief geplaatst. In het bijzonder wordt de typisch lipsiaanse aard van de Admiranda in de kijker gezet. Op die manier moet blijken dat deze case study representatief kan zijn voor de relatie tussen Lipsius en de Officina Plantiniana.

Daarna volgt een gedetailleerde en chronologische analyse van het thema Admiranda in Lipsius' correspondentie van 1598. Dit (vooralsnog onuitgegeven) corpus omvat zo'n 150 brieven, waarvan ten minste een vijftigtal op een expliciete manier gewag maken van de Admiranda. Uiteraard zijn dit hoofdzakelijk de brieven tussen de Leuvense humanist en de Moretussen, meer bepaald Balthasar Moretus, maar ook materiaal van of aan andere correspondenten wordt bij de bespreking betrokken. Het doel van deze analyse is een zo volledig mogelijk beeld te schetsen van de periode tussen de start van de eerste druk en het voltooien van de tweede druk van de Admiranda (oktober 1597- maart 1599).

Tot slot volgt een synthese van de informatie die uit dit brievencorpus kon gepuurd worden. Daarbij wordt aandacht besteed aan het enthousiasme van zowel auteur als drukker, het professionalisme van de Officina Plantiniana, de vriendschappelijke band tussen beide partijen, de commerciële motieven van de Moretussen en de praktische voordelen voor Lipsius.

Résumé

Dans cet article, l'histoire de l'édition du livre historico-antiquaire Admiranda sive De magnitudine Romana (1598) de Juste Lipse sert d'étude de cas pour éclairer la relation de Lipse avec l'imprimerie plantinienne. Outre les divers aspects de ce rapport d'un auteur avec son imprimeur (negotium), nous signalons aussi les éléments de caractère plus personnel traitant les contacts entre les deux familles (otium).

En tant qu'explication préliminaire, nous donnons premièrement une description brève de la nature, du sujet et de la structure de l'Admiranda. Les tendances historique, didactique et politologique du livre sont éclaircies et estimées à leur juste valeur. En particulier nous attirons l'attention sur la nature caractéristiquement Lipsienne de l'Admiranda. De la sorte, nous envisageons de faire apparaître cette étude d'un cas comme représentative de la relation de Lipse avec l'Officina Plantiniana.

Ensuite nous faisons une analyse détaillée et chronologique du thème Admiranda dans la correspondance de Lipse de l'année 1598. Ce corps de lettres jusqu'à présent inédites comprend autour de 150 lettres, dont au moins une cinquantaine mentionnent explicitement le livre. Naturellement, ces lettres-ci sont pour la plupart des lettres entre l'humaniste de Louvain et les imprimeurs Moretus, et surtout Balthasar Moretus, mais aussi d'autres correspondants sont associés à cette discussion. Ladite analyse sert à esquisser l'image la plus complète possible du temps entre le commencement de l'impression de la première édition de l'Admiranda jusqu'à l'achèvement de la seconde (octobre 1597 - mars 1599).

Finalement, suit une synthèse de l'information obtenue du corps des lettres, dans laquelle on prêtera attention à l'enthousiasme de l'auteur et de l'imprimeur, au professionnalisme de l'Officina Plantiniana, aux liens d'amitié entre les deux parties, aux motifs de point de vue commercial des Moretus et aux avantages de nature pratique pour Lipse.


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