Creole drum

An Anthology of Creole Literature in Surinam

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Chapter 4
Johannes King

Johannes King was a Matuari bushnegro. The Surinam bushnegroes are descendants of former runaway slaves organized in several tribes in the interior. The principal tribes are Matuari, Saramacca, and Djuka. The first two speak a special Creole language heavily spiced with Portuguese elements. The third speaks an English-based Creole more reminiscent of the Creole spoken in town and on the coast. The bushnegro tribes lived in complete isolation and carried on continuous warfare with the colonial government until peace treaties were concluded with the main tribes in 1760 (Groot 1970) and in 1762 and 1767 (Groot 1969). They continued, however, to live inland in splendid isolation. They could visit the town only by permission of the government. The government, however, paid them a regular tribute, mainly provisions of food, iron implements, and gunpowder.

King's mother, Adensi, was a daughter of the Matuari chief, Kodyo, also called Boyo in the reproduced fragments of King's diary. A serious illness, presumably caused by evil magic, made her leave her first Matuari husband in search of treatment in town. There she married successively two husbands from the Djuka tribe. The first one was the father of Noah Adrai, King's elder brother, who became chief of the Matuari in 1870.¹ Adensi had eight children by her second husband, one of whom was Johannes King.

After the death of her last husband the large family of Adensi was in trouble. There was no responsible male to support the family, and all the responsibilities devolved on Noah Adrai, who was still very young. For some unknown reason the family was no longer accepted in the traditional Matuari society, but at the same time it did not

1 Matrilineal descent is customary in the bushnegro tribes. Therefore Noah Adrai and Johannes King were both eligible to be Matuari chief as members of the chief's family, although they had Djuka fathers. This does not mean that patrilineal descent does not count in other respects. In the conflict between Djuka and Matuari, described in the text, King could very well side with his father's tribe. In concluding a peace treaty with the Djuka, the Matuari chief purposely selected as his personal messengers two members of his family with strong paternal ties in the Djuka tribe.

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receive permission from the government to stay in town without proper means of subsistence. In 1852 Noah founded the village Maripaston on the Saramacca River, on the periphery of the Matuari territory. About that time King must have taken his first wife. By 1855 he had already divorced her and taken a second wife, Magdalena Akuba, from the Saramacca tribe. He was at that time very ill and had his first visions.

In these first visions a strange god ordered him to go to town and be baptized. The head of the Moravian Mission reported Johannes King's first visit to his office in 1857. King could not stay long enough to get the necessary religious instruction for baptism, so he returned to Maripaston, taking with him a primer and a hymnbook. His second visit to the Moravian Mission took place in 1860, again for a short period. Still directed by visions, he started to build a church in Maripaston. He also consulted the Matuari chief before he was baptized in 1861. A year later, eight other members of his family were baptized. It is said that they were instructed by King. In his visions King was directed to preach the gospel to the bushnegro tribes. The Moravian Mission gladly accepted his cooperation and later even paid for his services. Thus he became a self-styled missionary. He was regarded as a prophet in his own tribe and even in Europe.² What is generally called King's diary contains writings of very different kinds. In it are found reports on his missionary visits to the different bushnegro tribes and to the negroes living in the Para district. But it also contains some individual books. About 1868 King wrote a small book on bushnegro religion and customs. Sometime in 1886 he wrote his skrekibuku (‘book of terror’), mainly describing his visions, with some illustrations. An account of the difficulties in Maripaston between him and his brother, the newly appointed chief of the Matuari, culminating in 1892 in his expulsion from his home village, must have been written around 1893. A fourth book, called dresibuku (‘medical book’) is a compilation of medical treatments used among the bushnegroes. This book is kept away from foreign eyes. We managed to see one of its pages purely by chance.³

2 A biography of Johannes King by Gottfried A. Freytag was given the title: Johannes King der Buschland-Prophet. Ein Lebensbild aus der Brüdergemeine in Surinam. Nach seinem eigener Aufzeichnungen dargestellt (Herrnhut, 1927). Cf. also Voorhoeve 1964(a).

3 A complete bibliographic description of King's manuscripts is to be found in Voorhoeve and Donicie 1963(b). See for indications about unrecovered manuscripts Voorhoeve 1958. Parts of King's manuscripts have been published in Vox Guyanae 3, 1 (1958): 41-45 (the first vision), and in Lichtveld and Voorhoeve 1959 (fragments on the history of the bushnegroes). See also some small scattered fragments in Voorhoeve 1964. Cf. King 1973.

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In his writings King used not his own bushnegro Creole but the town language, and especially the church version of this language. He was born and bred in town and must have been fluent in that language. It is assumed that King taught himself to read and write.⁴ The only examples of writing he ever saw were the Bible and other religious works translated into the church language. It is quite clear that King often wavered between a somewhat awkward speaking style, with all the marks of the not always well-organized performance that are characteristic of undisciplined speech, and the stilted literary language of the Bible. In our English translation we did not try to imitate the awkward constructions of the Creole, although we did try to keep the flavor of the spoken language with its sudden, unexpected interruptions in the flow of thought.

The great cultural achievement of Johannes King should not be underestimated. Born and raised in a completely illiterate society, he discovered on his own the main function of writing: the use of written signs to reach people not present, especially future generations. His last book, from 1893, had just this purpose. It was written in a period of crisis in his life. His own people had deserted him. The chief of the Matuari, his own brother, had expelled him from their country and prevented other Matuari from having contact with him. The Moravian church criticized his stubborn character, deprecating in particular the fact that, after the death of his brother, he claimed the chieftaincy. His candidacy was fiercely opposed by Noah Adrai's son, Samuel Koloku. Shortly afterward King resigned the chieftaincy. Around 1893 he must have been undergoing a great spiritual crisis and mental dilemma. He wrote this book explicitly in defense of himself for future generations.

In this book King wrote down the story of his first missionary visit to the Djuka in 1864. He went there with his brother Noah Adrai on a double mission. In the first place they came to conclude a peace treaty between the Matuari and the Djuka, acting on behalf of the Matuari chief. In the second place they came to preach the gospel. King may have inserted the report of his mission in this book written in 1893 to prove that close cooperation always existed between Noah Adrai and himself. The report of this more or less official mission to his father's tribe contains many interesting historical and anthropological details.

4 It is possible that he had some schooling in a mission school near town, but we could find no confirmation of this.

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The text has been taken from an edition of the work by H.F. de Ziel. Parentheses and slant lines indicate parts of the text that should be omitted or added, respectively, to facilitate comprehension of the text. King's rather personal and ad hoc orthography has been adapted by the editor to the standard orthography (Woordenlijst 1961). The punctuation is entirely by the editor.⁵

5 King used a very peculiar punctuation in which, for instance, a colon united, more or less like a hyphen, rather than separated. The editor's punctuation is based on a careful interpretation of the text.

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Tori foe go na granman Beiman pranasi na Dritabiki

Den 21. Augustus 1865

Wi komopo na Krementi foe go na granman pranasi noja, bikasi di wi ben doro na Djoeka (èn) den hedeman foe den pranasi, disi de na bilosé, ben hori wi wan pisi ten, (èn) wan wiki langa, foe den kan seni mofo gi granman, foe a sabi taki, wakaman de kon na hen. (Èn hen) dan fosi granman seni mofo kari ala den edeman, a taki: wi nanga den moese waka kon na hen. Èn a dé, di wi komoto na Krementi, wi tan pikinso, meki den seni boskopoe gi granman taki wi de krosibé kaba. Èn granman Beiman taki: a boen, meki wi alamala kon. Wi ala go na granman, (èn)/ma a ben de/ wan toe joeroe na baka, fosi wi go doro na sjoro. We, den tjari wi go taki granman odi, nanga ala den tra soema toe. 22 / augustus/. Dati ben de toedewroko na mindri dé.

Tori /foe/ granman Beiman

(Ma) soema ben foeroe na granman pranasi foe kon jere na njoensoe di wi tjari. Ma di wi tan wan joeroe langa taki soso tori solanga, nomo granman Beiman taki: we, wi de taki soso tori troe, ma meki wi jere sortoe njoensoe den soema tjari kon na wi. Èn hen, granman, haksi Noah, a taki: hoefasi, pikin, hoesortoe njoensoe oen tjari kon na mi? Èn Noah ferteri den na tori, a taki: wi kon foe meki fri nanga oen, (èn) na so mi granman Josua seni mi. Oenoe no si, granman Josua gi mi soema foe tjari mi kon na oen. Èn den alamala hopo go pikinso na sé go taki makandra. Dan fosi den kon piki Noah, den taki: a prisiri gi wi. (Èn) na tori foe granman Josua, a prisiri na wi alamala foe wi meki na fri èn foe na fri moese de, meki wi

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alamala tron wan makandra. We, tamara mamanten wi sa dringi sweri. Èn granman Beiman taki: joe si, na fositen maniri foe den gransoema foe wi, te wan tra kondre soema kon na wi foe kon /meki/ fri, dan a moe gi wi ala gon nanga den owroe, meki den tan (na so) solanga; te wi dringi sweri kaba, dan fosi wi sa gi den baka. We, te wi si den gi den feti sani, dan wi sabi taki, den wani fri nanga wi troe. Èn so Noah meki den soema foe wi go teki ala den owroe, den gon, tjari kon gi granman Beiman. Èn granman Beiman meki na manpikin foe hen, a nen Baja Zando, teki ala den sani tjari go poti na ini wan hoso. Dati kaba, (èn) dan granman Beiman haksi wi agen, a taki: efi wan tra taki de agen foe taki, meki wi taki wanten, bikasi te wi dringi sweri kaba, dan wi no moe taki wan tra taki moro. We, di granman Beiman taki so, nomo Johannes King taki gi Noah taki: mi de hopo pikinso. Èn mi hopo pikinso, nomo mi kon sidon baka. We, di mi ben hopo, Noah nanga den tra gransoema sidon dape, nomo granman Beiman taki: ibriwan boskopoe oen tjari mi wani jere, ma kerki taki mi no wani jere. Èn di a taki so, nomo mi Johannes King kon sidon baka, èn granman Beiman hori doro foe taki: mi no wani, mi no wani jere kerki tori na mi jesi kweti-kweti. Bikasi bakra ben kon na mi, mi taki gi den taki: mi habi mi obia, èn efi mi jere kerki tori na mi jesi, wanten mi sa dede. (Èn) den dede soema foe mi nanga den gado foe mi sa kiri mi. Mi no wani kerki na mi pranasi. Ma mi no tapoe wan soema foe a no go na kerki. Ibriwan kapiten wani, meki a teki kerki na hen pranasi, mi no tapoe hen foe dati. (Èn) ma foe mi pranasi, mi tapoe; oen no moe taki kerki tori na ini hoso, èn mi no gi oen pasi foe oenoe taki kerki tori na ini mi hoso. Ma di granman Beiman taki so, nomo ala den tra soema mandi nanga granman Beiman, èn den kapiten mandi toe, foe disi granman Beiman no wani jere Gado tori, èn na boskopoe foe Gado. Foeroe foe den hopo go na sé, den go taki nanga makandra. En dan den kon kari granman, den taki: meki granman jere den

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pikinso na sé. Èn granman Beiman hopo go na den, en den kapiten nanga granman Beiman pikin srefi go taki nanga hen, den taki: a moese jere na boskopoe foe Gado. Efi a no wani go na kerki srefi, tokoe a moe jere na tori foe Gado-man. We, di granman Beiman kon sidon baka, a taki gi ala den kapiten: oen alamala go na wan tra hoso go sidon jere na tori disi den tjari. Èn wan bigi hipi soema hopo, wi alamala go na wan tra hoso go sidon. Ma di wi ben taki foeroe tori kaba, foe dati hede mi nanga Noah taki gi den soema: meki na tori tan tide. Te tamara wi sa taki nanga oenoe. Èn den alamala taki: ja, a boen na wi, èn den hopo gowe solanga.

Tori foe na boskopoe foe Gado na Djoeka, na granman Beiman pranasi, na Dritabiki

23. /augustus/

Débroko mamanten froekoe den alamala kon sidon foe jere na boskopoe foe Gado. Èn mi Johannes King ferteri den soema na heri tori, fa Masra Gado srefi ben tjari kerki kon na wi, èn a no libisoema seni wi kon na oen, na Masra Gado srefi seni wi kon na oenoe. We, di mi kaba foe taki na boskopoe foe Gado, disi a ben seni mi, dan mi hori kerki. Mi lési na Evangelium foe Njoen Testament, dan mi fermane den nanga foeroe wortoe foe Masra Jesus Kristus, (gi den) fa a ben dede foe wi hede, èn fa a ben pai na hebi boetoe foe wi alamala sondoe, nanga hen santa diri broedoe, èn fa den ben kiri hen na kroisi foe wi hede. Èn ke, loekoe, den pôti heiden soema, fa den ferwondroe foe jere so wan tori, èn noiti den ben sabi efi wan Masra Gado pikin de, disi den kari hen nen Jesus Kristus. (Èn na) na na nen Masra Gado Jehova wawan den ben sabi. Ke loekoe, fa na tori dangra den pôti heiden soema ferstan krin-krin. We dati meki den haksi mi foeroe sani, fa den moese doe foe den kan go na Gadokondre. We, dati meki mi poti foeroe fermane na den jesi: na blesi foe Masra nanga den froekoe. Èn dan mi sori den na kroisi prenki foe Masra Jesus. Na srefi dridewroko mamanten froekoe, granman Beiman seni na bigi manpikin foe hen kon na Noah, èn a taki: mi papa taki meki mi kon begi joe gi hen. A taki: joe no moese mandi nanga hen, foe di hen krasi so esrede, èn a no foe taki hen no wani jere na boskopoe foe Gado, disi joe tjari, ma hen jere taki hen sisa pikin Petrus Lonmoesoe go na kerki, a trowe wan gado foe hen, disi a ben habi, na dati meki a dede. We di hen jere

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so, dati meki hen kon frede toe. Sonten, efi hen meki Johannes King taki Gado tori na ini hen hoso, sonten na gado foe hen sa kiri hen toe. Èn na foe dati hede hen frede. Ma te ala soema gowe kaba, Noah wawan moe kon na hen safri kon taki gi hen na boskopoe, hen sa jere. (Èn di) Noah taki: a boen, mi sa go na hen. Ke loekoe fa den pôti heiden habi wan toemoesi doengroe prakseri; (na) den denki, te joe doe wan sani na kibri fasi, dati Masra Gado hai no kan si hen, boen ofoe ogri. Na so granman Beiman ben de wan granman, ma tokoe di a ben de heiden soema a ben habi na srefi prakseri toe. Èn a taki: efi Johannes King taki Gado Masra tori gi hen, na ala tra soema fesi, hen sa dede, (èn) na kroektoe Gado foe hen sa kiri hen. Na foe dati hede granman Beiman no ben wani jere na boskopoe foe Gado na ala soema fesi. We, Gado wortoe no kan lé, na wortoe di boekoe taki: na soema, disi soekoe foe hori hen libi, hen sa lasi hen libi, ma na soema di wani lasi hen libi foe Masra Gado nen ede, hen sa hori hen libi. Èn di granman Beiman ben denki hen srefi sa helpi hen srefi, foe hori hen libi, dati meki a lasi. Bikasi a ben de wan granman disi poti ala hen fertrow toemoesi tranga na tapoe den kroektoe gado nanga den obia sani foe hen. Ma pôti, den dati no ben helpi hen na noti. Èn mi Johannes King de getoige foe Masra Jesus Kristus, di hen ben meki foe mi getoigi foe den kroektoe Gado sani, di mi hai si na ini granman Beiman hoso ini. Den foeroe toemoesi: popki nanga ala sortoe obia sani, den foeroe toemoesi foe wan enkri soema moese habi so sani. Èn heiden soema de foeroe sortoe. Ma den heiden soema di de libi na Djoeka, den de dipi na ini didibri wroko, moro leki son foe den tra heiden boesi kondre, troe-troe.

Tori foe na sweri na granman Beiman pranasi na Dritabiki

Den 24. augustus 1865

Na wan fodewroko mamanten granman Beiman kari ala soema kon makandra foe kon meki fri nanga wi. Èn a poeroe dri soema, èn Noah poeroe dri soema toe. (Èn) Atamaren nanga Majoro, nanga Kansi, (èn) den dati dringi sweri foe granman Josua sé, foe Matoewari. Èn Mefle-Kwakoe, nanga Tinga, nanga Majoro-Gwandra, (èn) /den/ dri soema dati dringi sweri foe granman Beiman sé, foe Djoeka. Èn ala nanga ala a meki 6 soema, mansoema, di dringi na sweri, (èn) na aiti joeroe mamanten. Èn dati ben prisiri na ala soema, foe di den dringi sweri meki fri nanga Matoewari-nengre. Bikasi ala Maripaston-nengre na pikin foe den Djoeka-nengre, nanga pikin foe pikin, na famiri foe den Djoeka-nengre wawan. Èn dati meki den hati ben prisiri leti-leti, foe di wi dringi

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sweri/meki/fri makandra noja. (Ma) na owroeten den soema foe Matoewari no ben de boen nanga den. (Èn) foe wi kan libi boen nanga wi srefi sondro foe frede wi na wi, (èn) wi alamala kon wan makandra noja.

(Èn) wan tra tori foe den Djoeka-nengre nanga den Matoewari-nengre:

Mi sa ferteri oenoe pikinso foe dati toe. (Ma) na owroeten den gransoema foe Matoewari no ben wani hori leti gemeenskap nanga den papa foe wi, (èn) alwasi den tata foe wi na Djoeka ben soekoe toemoesi foeroe tron foe hori friendskap nanga den Matoewari gransoema, tokoe den no ben wani. (Èn) alwasi den gransoema foe Djoeka ben kon libi so foeroe na bilo foe Saron-posoe, (ma) toekoe te den Djoeka-nengre ben go na hoposé foe Saron-posoe foe go wroko; te den meki kampoe, den go na wroko libi ala sani na den kampoe, kaba te den Matoewari-nengre de pasa kon na foto, (èn) den si den kampoe nanga sani na ini, dan den Matoewari-nengre de poti faja na den Djoeka-nengre kampoe, bron ala sani foe den Djoeka-nengre na na kampoe, alamal.

Tori foe granman Kodjo ofoe Bojo
Na so na granman nen ben de na ten di den Matoewari-nengre ben de bron den kampoe pori ala sani foe Djoeka-nengre

(Èn) dan den gowe foe den, èn dati ben de den bigi prisiri. (Èn) te den Djoeka-nengre komoto na wroko kon na kampoe, den si ala den kampoe bron, nanga den amaka, den njanjan, èn den pagara, sribi krosi, èn ala sani di den habi bron krin-krin. (Èn) na so den Matoewari-nengre ben de doe nanga den tata foe wi foe Djoeka. We, jere fa Masra Gado ben sori mi granpapa, di ben de granman daten, èn Masra Gado ben sori hen wan bigi skreki sani en marki. Èn granman Kodjo, na hen ben de Matoewari granman daten di den soema foe hen ben de doe na ogri. Ma granman Kodjo no ben wani warskow den soema foe hen taki: oenoe no moe doe na ogri. Èn na foe dati hede den folkoe foe granman Kodjo hori doro foe doe na ogri nanga den Djoeka-nengre.

We, jere fa Masra Gado ben strafoe granman Kodjo wan hebi strafoe. (Èn) wan lési granman Kodjo go na foto. Lanti gi hen foeroe ransoen nanga someni tra sani moro. A ben lai wan grofoe boto ofoe bigi boto (èn) nanga foeroe sani, (èn) nanga nofo foe den soema disi ben tjari hen. Ma den alamala ben waka na na wan boto. Èn di den ben tjari so foeroe sani, na boto foe den ben lai nanga sani. (Èn) we, di den komoto

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na foto de gowe baka na Matoewari, den go te den pasa Saron-posoe gowe te (farawe) moro farawe na hoposé. Èn watra ben bigi na liba. Di den go foe go pasa na wan tranga lon watra, nomo na boto kanti, a soengoe nanga ala den lai, èn so na boto gowe krin-krin na ondro watra nanga ala den sani di de na ini, na boto gowe krinkrin.

Èn mi granpapa nanga den soema foe hen swen go komopo na sjoro, èn den no ben sabi no wan rai, fa den ben moesoe doe. We, helpi no de, den ben moesoe foe waka na foetoe na ini boesi, te go doro dape, den Djoeka-nengre de na wan kampoe de wroko. Èn granman Kodjo nanga den soema foe hen, den no ben habi noti foe pasa den libi. (Èn) den no habi faja, no njanjan, no krosi, no owroe, no nefi srefi, boiti pari wanwan, /di/ den ben hori na den anoe. We, di granman Bojo ben sabi wan wroko kampoe foe den Djoeka-nengre de na wan presi na fesi, no toemoesi farawe, (èn) den sa waka na foetoe doro dape na srefi dé. We, na so granman Kodjo nanga den soema foe hen waka na foetoe go doro dape den Djoeka-nengre kampoe de. Èn di den Djoeka-nengre jere den Matoewari nanga granman Bojo de waka na ini boesi de kon na den, (èn) den no ben si den nanga hai ete, den ben denki na loweman de kon na den. Den ben seti den srefi klari de loekoe hoesortoe fejanti kon na den tapoe. Èn now den si wan dagoe foe granman Bojo waka na fesi kon doro na den, èn dati meki den kon sabi (èn) wanten dati a no loweman, bikasi den Djoeka-nengre ben sabi na dagoe foe granman Bojo. Èn na baka granman srefi kon doro na den, a taki den odi.

Èn den Djoeka-nengre haksi granman, den taki: granman, san doe joe so? (Èn) granman taki: mi soengoe, ala sani foe mi gowe nanga mi boto, alamala gowe. We now den Djoeka-nengre bigin foe haksi granman Bojo noja foe ala den kampoe di den Matoewari-nengre ben bron. Èn den taki: granman, a no joe ben bron wi kampoe na so wan presi? A piki: ja, na mi. Èn den taki: granman, a no joe ben bron wi kampoe na so wan presi? A taki: ja, na mi. Granman, a no joe ben bron wi kampoe na so wan presi? A piki: ja, na mi. Èn a no joe ben bron wi kampoe na so wan presi, nanga ala sani foe wi na ini? A taki: ja, na mi. (Èn) granman no ben sabi san foe doe moro. Èn den Djoeka taki: we, granman, na joe nen granman, a ogri. We, tide ogri miti joe. Tide ogri nanga ogri miti oenoe srefi, èn Masra Gado pai joe, granman Kodjo. A taki: ja, na troe mi pikin, ogri miti mi tide, troe-troe. We noja den

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Djoeka-nengre bigin foe pina en spotoe granman Bojo nanga nofo takroe wortoe, foe na ogri di den soema foe hen ben doe nanga den Djoeka-nengre. We, granman Kodjo ben teki ala den ferwéti disi den Djoeka-nengre ben ferwéti hen, alwasi granman Bojo, a no hen srefi ben doe den ogri. A no ben bron no wan enkri kampoe, na den folkoe foe hen ben doe ala den ogri. Ma tokoe na granman Kodjo ben (kisi) /teki/ ala na ferwéti na hen tapoe nanga pasensi. Èn a no ben piki den Djoeka-nengre no wan takroe wortoe baka, ma a gi den leti, a ben piki den krin taki: na hen doe den ogri troe-troe. Èn dati meki den Djoeka-nengre hati ben kowroe nanga hen. Den ben doe hen, granman Kodjo, nanga ala den soema foe hen wan toemoesi bigi-bigi boen (wa-) wanten. Èn den gi den boto nanga njanjan èn sowtoe, krosi foe weri, nanga amaka foe sribi, èn sribi krosi, patoe foe bori njanjan, preti, spoen, krabasi foe dringi watra, èn ala pikin-pikin sani, disi de fanowdoe foe den kan pasa den libi na pasi go doro na den kondre. We, den sribi na den Djoeka-nengre.

Débroko mamanten granman Kodjo nanga ala den soema foe hen hopo teki na reis baka foe gowe te na den kondre, na Matoewari. We, granman Kodjo libi na dagoe foe hen gi den Djoeka-nengre foe solanga. Èn di granman Kodjo go doro na hen kondre, a kari ala soema, èn den kapiten nanga ala den tra gransoema, èn ala den jongoewan kon makandra, a taki gi den alamala san miti hen, èn fa pikinmoro den alamala soengoe dede na ini watra. Alwasi den no ben dede na ini watra - den alamala swen go komopo na sjoro, den no dedena ini watra - ma tokoe, efi den Djoeka-nengre no ben de pikinso krosibé, foe den waka na ini boesi go doro na den, na dede den alamala ben moesoe dede nanga hangri na ini boesi. We, dan granman Kodjo bréti - ala den soema foe kondre poti wan fast wet gi den dia alamala - a taki: efi wan Matoewari-nengre (di) sa prefoeroe foe bron wan Djoeka-nengre kampoe moro, hen sa strafoe na soema wan hebi strafoe. Èn dan granman Kodjo meki den soema foe hen soekoe foeroe njanjan, a meki den soema foe hen lai boto nanga someni tra sani moro, èn a seni den Djoeka-nengre foe presenti. (Èn) ma di granman Bojo ben libi wan dagoe foe hen na den Djoeka-nengre, (èn dan) granman seni teki na dagoe baka. We, di granman Kodjo seni presenti gi den Djoeka-nengre, a seni taki den grantangi foe na bigi boen disi den Djoeka-nengre ben doe hen. We dati meki den Matoewari-nengre kaba foe bron den Djoeka-nengre kampoe te leki tide, den kaba krin-krin.

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The story of his journey to Chief Beiman's village at Dritabiki ⁶

21 August 1865

We came from Clementi to travel to the village of the chief. But when we arrived among the Djuka, the heads of the villages which are situated downstream detained us for a whole week in order to send a message to the chief, so that he would know that there were travelers on their way to him. Only then did the chief send a message summoning all the village heads. He said that we should travel with the village heads to him. Before we departed from Clementi we tarried awhile, so that they could dispatch a message to the chief that we were already nearby. And Chief Beiman said: ‘It is well, let us all come forward to the chief.’ We all went to him, but it was only a few hours later that we came ashore. Well, they brought us to greet the chief and his retinue. 22 August. That was on a Tuesday at noon.

6 The Djuka live on the Tapanahoni River. The Matuari mission passed different Djuka villages, like Clementi, before arriving at Dritabiki, the chief's village.

Story of Chief Beiman

There were many people in the village of the chief to hear the message that we had brought. But when we continued to regale ourselves with small talk for about an hour, then Chief Beiman said: ‘Well, we have spoken nicely about all sorts of things, but let us now hear what the message is that these people have brought.⁷ And the chief asked and said to Noah: ‘Well my son, what message have you brought to me?’ And Noah told them the story and said: ‘We have come to conclude a peace with you. To this end has Chief Joshua sent me. Do you not see that Chief Joshua sent people to accompany me and bring me hither?’ Then they all got up and went aside to speak with one another. Only then did they return to answer Noah. They said: ‘It pleases us. That story of Chief Joshua is pleasing to us all, that we conclude peace, and in order that there be peace let us

7 Bushnegro etiquette demands that the purpose of one's visit should not be disclosed immediately. One bides one's time patiently until the chief gives permission to introduce the subject.

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all become one. Well, tomorrow morning we shall drink an oath.’⁸ And Chief Beiman said: ‘See, it is an old custom of our ancestors that when someone from a different country comes to us to conclude peace, he has to hand over all his guns and machetes to us, so that they can be put in safekeeping for the time being. Once we have drunk an oath, we shall return them. Well, when we see that they have handed over their weapons, then we know that they truly desire peace with us.’ Thus Noah asked all our people to fetch their machetes and guns and lay them down before Chief Beiman. And the chief let his son, Baya Zando, lock up all the arms in a house. After this Chief Beiman once again asked us and said: ‘If there is anything else to be discussed, let us talk about that now, for once we have drunk the oath, then we must not talk about other things any more.’ Well, when Chief Beiman spoke thus, then Johannes King said to Noah: ‘I'll remove myself for awhile.’⁹ And I removed myself for awhile. And then I came back and sat down again. Well, when I stood up Noah and the other elders sat there, and then Chief Beiman said: ‘Everything that you bring along, I want to hear, but I don't want to listen to church talk.’ And when he had said that, I, Johannes King, joined them again and Chief Beiman proceeded to say: ‘I won't have it. I don't want to hear any church talk in my ears. Because white people came to me and I said to them: ‘I have my magic and when I hear church talk in my ears, then I shall immediately die. My ancestors and my gods will kill me. I don't want any church in my village. But I won't hold anyone from going to church. Let each village headman who so wants allow a church in his village. I don't forbid them to do that. But you mustn't utter church talk in the house you live in. I will give you no permission for church talk in my house either.’ But when Chief Beiman spoke thus all the others took exception, also the village heads, because Chief Beiman did not want to hear God's word and message. Many of them went outside and spoke to each other. And then they came to call the chief and said: ‘May the chief

8 This is a literal translation, which will be used throughout the story. The peace is actually concluded when they drink each other's blood. In the event of a breach of promise the people who drink will die.

9 King now knows that the second part of their mission will be discussed. By going out he creates an opportunity to introduce the subject in his absence. This may not be a sign of modesty but rather the opposite: he makes it possible for the chief to oppose him as a prophet without being hampered by his presence. The chief later proceeds to say that he already opposed white people (perhaps white missionaries) in this respect.

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be permitted to hear them for a little while outside?’ And Chief Beiman stood up and went to them. And the village heads and even Chief Beiman's child came to speak to him and said that he must hear the message of God. Well, when Chief Beiman came to take his seat again, he said to all the village heads: All of you go to the other house and go and sit there and listen to the message they have brought along. And a great many stood up and we all went to sit down in another building. But because we had already spoken so much, Noah and I said to the people: ‘Let things be for the day. Tomorrow we shall speak with you.’ And they all said: ‘Yes, we agree with that,’ and went home for the time being.

The story of the message of God to the Djuka in the village of Chief Beiman at Dritabiki

23 August

The next morning they all came and sat down to hear the message of God. And I, Johannes King, related to the people the whole history of how the Lord God himself had brought the church to us. No people have sent us to you, but the Lord God himself had sent us. And when I was finished with the message of God for which purpose I was sent, then I conducted a service. I read from the New Testament and testified to them in many words about the Lord Jesus Christ, how He had died for us and how He had paid the heavy penalty for all our sins with His holy and priceless blood, and how they had killed Him on the cross for our sake. And oh! see the poor heathens, how surprised they were to hear such a story. Never before had they known that there was a child of the Lord God who was called Jesus Christ. They were only familiar with the name Lord God Jehova. Oh! see how the story confused the minds of the poor heathens. For this reason they asked me many things, what they had to do to enter into God's kingdom. Therefore I gave them many admonitions: the blessing of the Lord and the curse. And then I showed them a picture of the Lord Jesus.

That very same Wednesday morning, very early, Chief Beiman sent his big son to Noah and he said: ‘My father says that I must ask you something in his name. He says you must not be angry with him because he was so violent yesterday. It does not mean that he does not want to hear the message of God which you have brought, but he has heard that his sister's child, Petrus Lonmoesoe, has gone to church. He had cast aside an idol and that has caused his death. Well

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now, when he had heard this he too was afraid. Perhaps if he allows Johannes King to utter God's word in his house, perhaps his God will then also kill him. For this reason he is afraid. But when the others are gone, then Noah must come to him on the sly and alone to transmit the message to him and then he will listen. Noah said: “Good, I shall come to him.” Alas, see what dark thoughts are in the poor heathens. They think that the eye of the Lord God can't see when you do something in secret, be it good or evil.’ Thus Chief Beiman was a chief, but because he was also a heathen he harbored like thoughts. He said that if Johannes King utters God's words to him in the presence of all the others, he will die. His idol will kill him. For this reason Chief Beiman did not want to hear the word of God in the presence of others. Well, God's words can't lie, the word of the Bible. He who tries to protect his life, he will lose his life, but he who will lose his life for the sake of the Lord God's name, he will retain his life. And because Chief Beiman thought that he could help himself and retain his life, this caused him to lose it. He was a chief who put all his faith in his idols and his magic. But alas, they helped him in no way, and I, Johannes King, may testify about idolatrous things which my eyes have seen in the house of Chief Beiman. They were very many: idols and diverse magical things. It was too much for one person to have. There are many types of heathens, but the heathens who live amongst the Djuka are steeped in the Devil's work, more so than some of the other heathen bush tribes forsooth!

The story of the oath which was taken at Chief Beiman's village at Dritabiki

24 August 1865

On a Thursday morning Chief Beiman called together all his people to conclude peace with us. And he selected three persons, and likewise Noah chose three persons. Atamaren and Mayoro and Kansi partook of the oath on behalf of Chief Joshua of the Matuari. And Mefle-Kwakwu and Tinga and Mayoro-Gwandra - these three - drank an oath on behalf of Chief Beiman of the Djuka. All in all there were six men who partook of the oath, at 8 o'clock in the morning. And it pleased everybody that they had taken the oath and concluded peace with the Matuari. For all the negroes of Maripaston are children of the Djuka, and their children's children. They are all related to the Djuka. For this reason they rejoiced in their hearts that we had taken

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the oath and had concluded peace together. Formerly, the Matuari were not on good terms with them, so that we could live well with one another without fear. Now we became united again.

Another story about the Djuka and the Matuari

I shall also tell you something about it. Formerly the elders of the Matuari did not want to consort with our fathers. Although our fathers often tried to be friendly with the Matuari elders, yet they did not want to. The elders of the Djuka often came to live south of the outpost Saron. The Djuka went to work upstream from Saron. After they had constructed a camp they proceeded to their work and left everything behind in their camps. Then the Matuari negroes came along on their way to town and saw the camps with all the possessions. Then the Matuari negroes set alight the camps of the Djuka negroes and burnt down everything in the camp of the Djuka negroes.

Story of Chief Kodyo, also known as Boyo
This was the name of the chief at the time the Matuari negroes burnt the camps and destroyed all the possessions of the Djuka negroes

Then they went away. That was their greatest sport. When the Djuka returned from work to their camp, they found everything burnt down, their hammocks, their food, the pagaras containing all their possessions, their sleeping clothes and everything they owned, totally destroyed. This was how the Matuari treated our Djuka forefathers. Well, listen how the Lord God at that time admonished my grandfather. And the Lord God revealed a terrible sign to him. It was about Chief Kodyo, who was chief at the time when the Matuari did this evil. But Chief Kodyo did not want to warn his people and say: ‘You must desist from doing evil.’ As a result the people of Chief Kodyo continued to behave badly to the Djuka.

Well, listen how the Lord God meted out a heavy punishment to Chief Kodyo. Once Chief Kodyo went to town. The government supplied him with a liberal ration and many other things. His big boat was loaded with many things and with a considerable number of people who came with him. All of them traveled in the same boat. And because they brought back so many things the boat was overloaded. Well, when they came back from town on their way back to

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the Matuari, they passed the outpost Saron and went farther upstream. The river had risen, and when they came to a strong current, the boat capsized and sank with all the possessions. The boat disappeared completely under the water with everything it contained.

My grandfather and his people swam to the bank. They did not know what to do. There was no help in sight. They were forced to trek through the forest on foot. At last they came upon a working camp of the Djuka. They were completely down and out, had nothing - no fire, no provisions, no clothes, no matches, not even a knife - nothing except the paddles which they had in their hands. Well, when Chief Boyo found out that there was a camp of the Djuka not too far away and that they could still reach it by foot that day, well then, Chief Kodyo together with his people went on foot to the place where the Djuka negroes were. Now when the Djuka negroes heard that the Matuari with their chief, Boyo, were approaching them through the forest, they had not yet spied them. They thought that runaways were coming to them.¹⁰ They prepared themselves to see what kind of enemy was descending on them. And then they saw the dog of Chief Boyo walking in front. Thus they immediately knew that these were no runaways, because the Djuka negroes were familiar with Chief Boyo's dog. Then the chief himself came into view and greeted them.

The Djuka negroes asked the chief: ‘Chief, what has happened to you?’ The Chief answered: ‘My boat has capsized and sunk, and with it all my possessions.’ Well now, the Djuka negroes started questioning Chief Boyo about all the camps which the Matuari had razed to the ground. And they said: ‘Chief, did you not burn down our camp at this place and that place?’ And he replied: ‘Yes, it was me.’ And they said: ‘Chief, did you not burn down our camp at this place and that?’ And he replied: ‘Yes, it was me.’ ‘Chief, did you not burn down our camp at this place and that?’ And he replied: ‘Yes, it was me.’ ‘And have you not burnt down our camp at this place and that together with all our possessions?’ And he said: ‘Yes, it was me.’ And the chief knew no way out. The Djuka negroes said: ‘Well, chief, you are called chief. You've done wrong. Well, today you've met your Moses. Today, you've really hit the bottom. And the Lord God has repaid you.’ And he answered: ‘Yes, my child, it is true. Evil

10 This event took place before emancipation. In the peace treaties the bushnegroes had promised not to accept future runaways, so henceforth runaway slaves were considered enemies who had to be caught and sent back to their masters.

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has met up with me today, it is true.’ Well now, the Djuka negroes started to embarrass Chief Kodyo and revile him with many dirty words, because of the harm his people had wrought upon the Djuka negroes. Well, Chief Kodyo accepted all of the reproaches which the Djuka negroes flung at him, even though Chief Boyo had not committed the evil himself. He had not burnt down a single camp. His people had done all the harm. Notwithstanding this, Chief Kodyo patiently accepted all the reproaches and he uttered no evil word to the Djuka. But he conceded that they were right. He answered them clearly that he had really done harm. And this caused the hearts of the Djuka to mellow. They did lots of good to Chief Kodyo and his people. They supplied them with boats, gave them food, salt, clothes to put on and hammocks for sleeping, sleeping clothes, pots for cooking their food, dishes, spoons, calabashes from which to drink water, and all those small things necessary to sustain themselves on their way home.

Early the next morning, Chief Kodyo and his people rose to return to their land, to the Matuari. Well, Chief Kodyo left his dog in the custody of the Djuka, and when he arrived in his own land, he summoned all his people, the village heads and all other elders and young ones. And he related to them what had happened and how they were nearly swallowed up by the waters. And even though they did not drown in the waters - they had all swum to the river bank and did not die in the waters - yet if the Djuka were not within walking distance, they would all have died of hunger in the forest. Well then, Chief Kodyo rejoiced and all the people in the land proposed a law which would apply to everybody, namely, if a Matuari again dared to burn down a camp of a Djuka negro, then a heavy punishment would be imposed on such a person. Then Chief Kodyo ordered his people to collect lots of food. He asked his people to load a boat with still many other things and he sent these to the Djuka as a present. But since Chief Boyo had left a dog with the Djuka, he sent for it. Well, when Chief Kodyo sent these presents to the Djuka, he also sent his heartiest thanks for the many good things the Djuka had done to him. Well, that was the reason why the Matuari stopped burning down the camps of the Djuka even to this very day. They stopped it completely.