De Gulden Passer. Jaargang 54

[p. *1]

[De Gulden Passer 1976]

N. Sanderus, De visibili monarchia Ecclesiae (Louanii, 1571)
Theol. 357
PRINTERS' DEVICE USED BY FOWLER

[p. *2]

A. Copus, Syntaxis historiae evangelicae... (Louanii, 1572)
Theol. 415
PRINTERS' DEVICE USED BY FOWLER

[p. 1]

John Fowler, English printer and bookseller in the low countries
(1564-1579)
by Willem Schrickx
(University of Ghent)

The career of John Fowler, who was by far the most prominent English printer in Flanders in the sixteenth century, has not yet been studied in detail and, in addition, such material as has been presented in a few recent concise surveys is on the whole not very reliable¹. It has therefore been my aim in the following pages to present a more or less chronological and detailed survey of Fowler's life in the light of new documentary evidence and to combine that account with material from a number of printed works which are not easily accessible. While generally speaking we know very little of the early sixteenth-century printers, we are more fortunate with respect to John Fowler because very soon after his arrival in the Low Countries he began to get his own printing-house under way and to contribute a few pamphlets to the steady stream of controversial writings so characteristic of the age, an activity which has left traces both in archives and in early printed works. Before

1 Marc Lefèvre, ‘Libraires belges en relations commerciales avec Christophe Plantin et Jean Moretus’, De Gulden Passer, XLI (1963), 29 and Anne Rouzet, Dictionnaire des imprimeurs, libraires et éditeurs des XVe et XVIe siècles dans les limites géographiques de la Belgique actuelle (Nieuwkoop, 1975), pp. 64-5.

[p. 2]

discussing the printer's life in detail, I have thought it advisable first to present it in brief outline.

John Fowler was born in Bristol in 1537, educated at Winchester School and New College, Oxford, and took the degree of M.A. The wife of John Fowler was Alice Harris, the daughter of John Harris, who had been secretary to Sir Thomas More, which partly explains why Fowler was from the start a man who was marked out alongside those who would give their wholehearted support to the catholic cause. As will appear from evidence to be presented later, it was in 1564 that he left his home country because of the laws of prosecution promulgated in England against catholics. Arriving in Louvain some time in that year, he stayed there approximately until February-March 1566 and then left for Antwerp where he is traceable in the Happaertstraat from 3 April 1566. Shortly after the iconoclastic riots, which occurred in Antwerp in August 1566, he must have moved to Louvain where he was to stay until 1573, the date of his second journey to Antwerp falling between late March and the beginning of June 1573. In 1577 he travelled more than once to Douay - a university town which was to remain a part of the Spanish Netherlands for another ninety years - and settled there from early September 1577. His stay in Douay was interrupted for a brief period - probably from March to November 1578 - during which he was probably in Rheims, France. His death occurred in Namur on 13 February 1579. We learn this exact date from John Pits (1560-1616), the Roman catholic divine and biographer, whose testimony is certainly trustworthy considering the terms in which it was made in his Relationum Historicarum de Rebus Anglicis Tomus Primus (1619). The end of the notice headed De Ioanne Foulero runs as follows:

Confessor in exilio diem suum obijt Namurci decimo tertio die Februarij, & in cemiterio S. Ioannis Euangelistae iuxta socerum suum Ioannem Harrisium sepultus iacet, vt ex Aliciae coniugis litteris accepi. Annus autem obitus eius fuit nati Seruatoris 1579, dum Anglicani regni sceptrum teneret Elizabetha. (Relat. hist., Paris, 1619, repr. 1969, p. 772)

It is no longer possible to check this statement against entries in the parochial registers of Namur, since there appears to be a gap in

[p. 3]

them of about twenty years stretching from 1574 to 1594². Furthermore, the church of Saint John the Evangelist, where Fowler was buried, was torn down in 1750 so that, with regard to this circumstance too, the few details of Fowler's death recorded by Pits remain at present the only ones available. The life of Fowler in Flanders had best be discussed in two sections, one covering the early years until about the middle of 1573, the date of his second move to Antwerp, the other dealing with the later period, a study of which will enable us to include an account of the later fortunes of the printing-house as this was run by his widow, Alice Fowler. There are two main sources from which Fowler's life and works can be reconstructed, both preserved in the General Archives in Brussels: the printing-licences contained in carton 1276 of the Spanish Privy Council and the information that can be drawn from registers of the Conseil Privé Autrichien where we find entries concerning printers and the privileges they received. These two sources can of course be supplemented by the material contained in the works whose publication was sponsored by Fowler himself, their dedications being particularly significant.

2 See F. Ladrier, ‘Les anciens registres paroissiaux de la ville de Namur déposés aux archives de l'état’, Archives et Bibliothèques de Belgique, XLI (1970), 62 ff. I wish to thank Mr. F. Jacques of Namur who was so kind as to try to find relevant evidence in the Namur archives themselves, a search which likewise proved unsuccessful.

I. The early years

The first notice we have of Fowler's presence is in Louvain in May 1565. From entries made in the accounts ‘vanden prouffyten vanden zegele in Brabant’, preserved in the General Archives in Brussels and published by P. Verheyden, it appears that on 5 May 1565 he paid 25/6 at Louvain for the privilege of printing and selling books, a commission he showed to Plantin in 1570 (for more about this commission see the second part of this study). The relevant entry is quite explicit in stating that Thomas Stephanus and

[p. 4]

Fowler are both printers and booksellers³. In the following pages the problem of deciding whether the books commonly associated with Fowler were published or sold by him is, in most cases, to remain unsolved. Nevertheless, we will see that the archive material concerning him leaves not the least doubt that he was active as a printer both in Louvain and in Antwerp. But not until we possess an exhaustive comparative study of sixteenth century printing types as they were used by individual printers will we be able to assign books to the printing-shop of a given printer. Certain printing types were apparently so widely used as to leave little room for identifying individual printers. Great caution needs to be exercised in using typographical material as a basis for inquiry and I have therefore ventured only a few tentative conclusions from my excursions into this field. Yet some of the printed items presently to be discussed can with some confidence be assigned to Fowler's printing establishment. In order to help further bibliographical study, information concerning their location in some Belgian libraries will be included and abbreviations used are as follows: RLB (Royal Library Brussels), ULG (University Library Ghent), ULL (University Library Louvain), PLA (Plantin Library Antwerp), all to be followed by press-marks. But it should be borne in mind that the location list makes no claim to be exhaustive.

Of the items certainly printed by Fowler in 1565 there is a single-sheet folio, now preserved among the Lansdowne Manuscripts in the British Museum, that has survived (Brit. Mus., Lansdowne MSS, XCVI, 56). The sheet, which is not recorded in the Short-Title Catalogue of Books.... 1475-1640 (ed. by A.W. Pollard and G.R. Redgrave, London, repr. 1950), is inscribed in manuscript: ‘Pretended Sects among Lutheran / Heresyes condemned / Exercises at Lovain / Stapleton /,’ and the printed title runs: ‘Molles ac Politici Luterani, qui à Luteri dogmatibus plurimum recesserunt,

3 P. Verheyden, ‘Drukkersoctrooien in de 16e eeuw’, Tijdschrift voor Boek- en Bibliotheekwezen, VIII (Antwerp, 1910), p. 220. The original entry runs: ‘Van een commissie om prenten ende boeckvercoopen voere Thomas Stephanus ende Jannen Foulier Ingelsche’. See the accounts of the ‘prouffyten vanden zegele in Brabant’ under the date of 7 May 1565 in the Chambre des Comptes in the General Archives in Brussels (reg. 20791, fol. 16).

[p. 5]

ea tantum admittentes, quae ipsis probantur. / Hi volent mansueti, hominesque prae caeteris cordatiores videri, & quoquo modo cum omnibus alijs sectis pacem / colere. Diuiduntur autem in sectas decem. / The imprint of the sheet proudly displays Fowler's newly acquired dignity: ‘Louanij apud eundem Jo. Foulerum Typographum iuratum. / CUM PRIVILEGIO. / Anno 1565. /.’ To conclude his enumeration of sects Fowler explains in a final paragraph that he took the list from The Apology of Fridericus Staphylus, a book printed by J. Latius in Antwerp in 1565. This paragraph offers striking evidence of the interest Fowler took in religious controversy, especially when the debate was conducted in councils in which members of the higher nobility played an important part. In fact, Staphylus had acted as one of the Emperor Ferdinand's councillors.

In ipsis veri euangelij primordijs, vt Apostolica Acta testantur, Credentium erat cor vnum, & anima vna. Vides autem (pie lector) huius adulterini ac abortiui euangelij vnitatem. Hinc quàm sit illud verum ac vero simile, facilè deprehenderis. Autore Frederico Staphylo Luteri quondam auditore, posteà veró Ferdinandi Catholici nuper Imperatoris Conciliario dignissimo. Ex cuius Apologia in hanc formam redacta est haec Tabula, primúm quidem Anglicè, opera Thomae Stapletoni, nunc veró Latinè edita opera Ioannis Fouleri.

The interesting thing here is that Fowler was bent on setting himself up as a Latin controversialist, as will appear from a further entry in the registers of the Austrian Privy Council, to be discussed later.

The first major work with the printing history of which the name of John Fowler can be connected is Nicholas Sander's The Supper of our Lord, of which the first edition appeared in 1565 and the second in 1566 (RLB: V.B. 2209(3)A), though Fowler's name did not appear in either of the respective imprints. The second edition, however, carried a colophon which told prospective readers that the work was on sale ‘Louanii, 1566, Apud Ioannem Foulerum’. Further light can be shed on the fortunes of The Supper of our Lord by means of the important entry of this work in registers of the Conseil Privé Autrichien. As has already been pointed out, evidence concerning people who sought approbationes from those in authority

[p. 6]

is contained in these registers and most of the relevant entries were enumerated and succinctly discussed by Michel Baelde in an important article⁴. A closer inspection of the entry concerning The Supper of our Lord will prove rewarding and this is why I have thought it useful to reproduce it almost in its entirety⁵. The first point it reveals is that Sander had been granted permission to print The Supper of our Lord in August 1565, that is to say about three months after Fowler had been given permission to print and sell books. The first imprimatur was passed under the hands of Petri Cunerus on 7 August 1565. The entry further shows that, while the six books of this work were being printed, bishop John Jewel's A Replie unto M. Hardinges Answeare [to the sermon on 1 Cor. xi. 23] (London, 1565) had fallen into Sander's hands and that therefore

4 M. Baelde, ‘De toekenning van drukkersoctrooien door de Geheime Raad in de zestiende eeuw’, De Gulden Passer, XL (1962), 19-58 and the chapter on ‘Censorship and Privileges’ in L. Voet, The Golden Compasses, vol. II (Amsterdam, 1972), 255-278.

5 Conseil Privé Espagnol (henceforth abbreviated to CPA), register 673, f^o 189 v^o-190 r^o has the following entry (with the omission of some of the conventional phraseology and some merely repetitious material indicated by three dots). In this and the following transcripts of documents, contractions have been expanded, u and v have been modernized and, to facilitate reading, accents have been added. Capital letters are not always easily distinguishable from small letters and the distinction is therefore mostly disregarded.
‘Opde supplicatie overgegeven inden secreten Raedt Sconincx van wegen Nicolaes Saunder, Ingelsch doctor inder godtheyt Inhoudende hoe alzoe Inde maendt van Augusto lestleden hem gepermitteert es geweest te moegen doen prenten zekeren boeck by hem gemaect van het Auontmael ons heeren geintituleert The Supper of our lord sett furthe In six boecken accordinghe to the truth of the godspell and faythe of the Catholike curche gedeelt In zes boecxkens ende hy geoccupeert was om den selven te doen prenten heeft gevonden zekeren anderen heretyck boeck oick In Ingelsche taele tegens zynen voers. boeck. Omme den welcken te refuteren, hy suppliant gemaect heeft eenen anderen boeck geIntituleert The Confutation of Mr. Jewels Replie against doctor Harding concerning the Real presence de welcke hy geerne zoude doen prenten metten voirs. zes andere zyne boecxkens versoeckende daeromme oirloff ende consent om tvoers. zevenste boecxken in een volume te moegen doen drucken ende vercoopen..... met de ander zes voers. boecxkens ghevisiteert by mr. Cunnerus Petri doctor Inder godtheyt... ende dat by eenen gezwoeren drucker by hem suppliant te nemen residerende binnen dese onse voers. landen van herwaertsovere... Behoudelick dat de voers. drucker schuldich zal zyn hem in desen te reguleren navolgende dordonnantie gemaect opt feyt vande prenters. Ghedaen te Bruessele den xxii^en dach van december anno 1565.’

[p. 7]

he had decided to add a seventh book to his treatise, which was submitted for approval to the above-mentioned Dr. Petri Cunerus, a Louvain theologian whose part in the controversies of the time, as will appear later, was a singularly active one. And, finally, we are told that Sander was asked to choose his own ‘sworn’ printer and indeed who but John Fowler, the fellow-countryman who had just recently been granted a licence, could Sander have chosen? This undoubtedly accounts for the colophon appearing in the second edition of The Supper of our Lord, which, of course, need not necessarily mean that it was of Fowler's own printing, but certainly implies it was on sale at his shop.

The ‘approbatio septimi libri’ to be found in The Supper runs as follows: ‘Quoniam librum istum legerunt, & approbant viri sacrae Theologiae & idiomatis Anglici eruditissimi, quibus ego summam hac in re fidem deberi iudicio, tuto & utiliter emitti potest. Cunerus Petri, Pastor Sancti Petri Louanij. 20. Decemb. Anno 1565.’ The help of English theologians residing in Louvain had apparently been called in by Cunerus and two days later the printing of The Supper could be approved by the Privy Council.

A book the publication of which must, for all practical purposes, have coincided with that of The Supper is Robert Pointz' Testimonies for the Real Presence because at the end of the volume we find an imprimatur which tells us that it was licensed by ‘Cunerus Petri, Pastor sancti Petri Louanij 7. August. Anno 1565.’ There is also a statement that it was brought for approval before the Privy Council on 20 August 1565, but nothing of this seems to have survived in CPA entries.

In point of fact both The Supper and the Testimonies were submitted simultaneously to Cunerus and a few days later to the Privy Council, and they both appeared early in 1566 while Fowler was still in Louvain. At this point in the argument a short historical introduction would seem to be appropriate.

The final session of the Council of Trent had taken place in 1562, the year which saw the outbreak of the French wars of religion. In France itself the policy of Catherine de Medici had always been governed by her desire to avoid the outbreak of violence by every

[p. 8]

means in her power and in 1563, as Miss Frances A. Yates⁶ writes, she was to describe the aim of her life as ‘moderer par quelques doux & gracieux moyens l'aigreur qui est auiourdhuy parmy les Peuples, pour les differends de la Religion’. It therefore comes as no surprise to learn that in subsequent years this mood of reconciliation and moderation also appeared in Flanders. Thus one of the questions that had become of great current interest in the years 1564-1566 was also whether those who wished to promote a given religious conviction were allowed to use force. We hear about this, for example, in a letter of Dominicus Lampsonius, the well-known Bruges humanist, who as secretary to the Prince-Bishops of Liège played an important part in the spiritual life of the times. In the course of a long letter (dated 4 July 1565) written to William Cecil, Principal Secretary under Queen Elizabeth, he reminded Cecil in passing of the gravity of the problem posed by Thomas More: Utrum ad religionis persuasionem vis externa adhibenda sit⁷.

John Fowler, ardent admirer of More that he was, must, for this and many other reasons, have frequently turned this problem over in his mind, and, with the power of the sectaries and the Calvinist factions steadily growing, he was soon bound to enter the arena of controversy, which he did with a treatise entitled An bene sub pretextu reformande religionis arma sumpserunt sectarii nostri temporis (Whether it is a good thing for the sectaries of our time to take up arms under pretext of reforming religion). Though this work does not seem to have survived in print, there is not the least doubt of its existence in manuscript, for in register 673 of the Conseil Privé Autrichien we find the following entry under the date 9 January 1565/66, showing that his boecxken was submitted for publication.

Opde supplicatie overgegeven inden Secreten Raede Sconincx van weghen Joannes Foulerus verzouckende oirloff ende consent om te moeghen doen drucken zekeren boecxken by hem gemaeckt geIntituleert An bene sub pretextu Reformande Religionis arma sumpserunt sectarij nostri temporis

6 F.A. Yates, The French Academies of the Sixteenth Century (London, The Warburg Institute, 1947), p. 200.

7 See Kervyn de Lettenhove, ed. Relations politiques des Pays-Bas et de l'Angleterre, sous le règne de Philippe II (11 vols., Brussels, 1882-1900), IV, 218.

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ende tzelve te vercoepen ende distribueren daert hem goet duncken zal. Zyne Ma.^t naer dat by de behoirlicke visitatie ende attestatie tvoirs. boecxken bevonden es geweest goet te zyne ende gheen erreur Inhoudende tegens, onsen keersten geloove, heeft den voers. Suppliant gepermitteert ende gheconsenteert, Consenteert ende permitteert hem gevende oirloff ende consent buyt sonderlinge gratie tzelve boecxken In Latynsche taele te moegen doen prenten by eenen gezwoeren boeckprenter van herwaertsover ende tzelve te vercoopen ende distribueren allomme daert hem goetduncken zal. Sonder daeromme eenichsins tegens zyne Ma.^t te mesdoene Ghedaen te Bruessele den ix^en dach van Januario 1565. (CPA, reg. 673, fol. 191)

It is practically certain that Fowler knew that there would be an adequate response to his pamphlet for very soon there appeared in print a small quarto volume the title-page of which I here transcribe: ORATIO PETRI / FRARINI ANTVER- / PIENSIS ARTIUM MA-/GISTRI ET V.I. BAC-/CALAVREI./ Quòd malè, reformandae re-/ligionis nomine, arma sum-/pserunt Sectarij nostri tem-poris./ HABITA IN SCHOLIS / ARTIUM, Louanij, 19. Calendas / Ianuarij. Anno 1565./ [Printer's device] /LOVANII,/ Apud Joannem Foulerum / M.D.L.XVI. (RLB: V.B. 10204, II. 7; ULG: Acc. Meul. 1566(II); PLA: B 1442). Fowler began the title of his treatise with An benè and Peter Frarin⁸ replied that it was a bad thing for sectaries to take up arms (Quod malè.....).

The motives that impelled Fowler and Frarin to join in the controversy are not far to seek. It was in fact in the first years of Fowler's residence in Flanders that he was faced with the intense political and religious strife which shook the society of his day to its foundations. I refer of course to the events of the year 1566 which reached their climax in the iconoclastic riots starting in Steenvoorde on 10 August and in Antwerp on 20 August of that year, riots that were to spread rapidly throughout Flanders. The background to the genesis of Fowler's and Frarin's treatises is therefore worth describing in somewhat more detail.

8 Peter Frarin was a lawyer from Antwerp. In the dedication of his work he states that he visited France in 1564-65 and saw Orléans, Tours and Angers. We find him enrolled as a law student at the Falcon College in Louvain on 26 August 1561. I have not been able to learn more about him.

[p. 10]

The sixteenth century, particularly its second half, was an age of faction, the diffusion of the Lutheran doctrines having brought in its wake a profusion of dissident literature. As early as 1512 we have evidence of the government's controlling the output of the press but it was particularly the Edicts of Charles V, proclaimed at regular intervals from 1521 onwards, which did most to stamp out heretical and seditious opinion as expressed in printed books. There were of course many later ordinances, among which the Edict of 29 April 1550 again forbade the printing of tracts or books defending the reformed religion. In England, on the contrary, the accession of Queen Elizabeth in 1558 had ushered in a period of greater freedom, at least for those who were prepared to recognize the Queen's position as the Supreme Head of the Anglican Church. England's relations with Rome in the period dealt with here have been treated in great detail by C.G. Bayne⁹. Repeated efforts were made by the Papal Curia and its adherents to make England return to the church of Rome. Space forbids my dealing here at length with the negotiations pursued in the attempt to achieve reconciliation with Rome. Suffice it to say that the Louvain theologians had even proposed to the Council of Trent in the early months of 1563 that Queen Elizabeth be deposed, her excommunication by the Pope being considered a few months later. An important stage in the development of the conflict is a letter of Queen Elizabeth to the Emperor Ferdinand (dated 3 November 1563) which is of great historical interest and to which C.G. Bayne has drawn attention. It contained ‘the English government's official justification of their treatment of the catholics’, and referred ‘in angry terms to the imprisoned bishops¹⁰.’ In other words, Queen Elizabeth found it impossible to extend the grant of her toleration any longer, and this is why a certain number of confirmed catholics were to leave the country, among whom we may certainly include John Fowler.

To add to the burden of difficulties for the exiles, in Flanders itself commercial conditions were about to change for the worse because in the years 1563-64 trade relations with England were

9 C.G. Bayne, Anglo-Roman Relations 1558-1565 (Oxford, 1913, repr. 1968).

10 C.G. Bayne, op. cit., p. 202.

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broken off. On the other hand, support for the new religion was steadily growing and, in addition, there came into being a great revival of Anabaptism, so much so that according to some, papistry was turning into anabaptistry¹¹. One of the theological questions frequently and hotly debated concerned the presence of Christ in the sacrament of the Lord's Supper. Nicholas Sander, one of Fowler's brothers-in-arms, was to devote one of his works to it. When the Diet of Augsburg in March 1566 - attended by Sander - failed in its avowed purpose of restoring unity and understanding among religious factions both in the Empire and in the Netherlands the time was ripe for the iconoclastic outrages of August 1566. So-called sectarianism had struck roots in Antwerp and elsewhere, and the virulent preachers of the sects began to hold gatherings in the open fields outside the city walls. Their inflammatory speeches incited the religious enthusiasts of the day to acts of violence leading to an unprecedented destruction of images and churches throughout Flanders. It is during the prelude to this outbreak of violence, when black clouds were gathering on the political horizon, that we see John Fowler at work trying to stem the tide of the sectarian movement by coming forward as a champion of the Counter-Reformation, not only as a printer but also as a writer. It is this historical context which explains why Frarin, in a dedicatory epistle of more than ten pages, had decided to present his Oratio to a young nobleman, Charles-Philip of Croy.

Charles-Philip of Croy, marquis of Havré (1549-1613) was the posthumous son of Philip of Croy, first duke of Aarschot (1496-1549). At his birth he had been given the christian names of Charles and Philip, in honour of the Emperor Charles and Philip of Spain. In fact, Havré's father had been sent to welcome Philip of Spain on his arrival in the Netherlands in 1549 and entertained both the emperor and his son in his castle at Chimay. Charles-Philip of Croy had in 1566 turned seventeen. About the same period this young man seems to have been a focus of adulation on the part of several humanists and historians. There was first Petrus Divaeus (Peter van Dieve), who dedicated his De Galliae

11 See Hatfield MSS, Vol. I (London, 1883), p. 269.

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Belgicae Antiquitatibus (Antwerp, 1566) to the marquis of Havré (date of the dedication, 18 April 1565); a more important author was Stephanus Vinandus Pighius, whose Valerii Maximi Dictorum Factorumque Memorabilium Libri IX (Antwerp, Plantin, 1567) was likewise inscribed to Havré¹². Pighius maintained friendly relations with Plantin, who, in 1561, had published Pighius' Tabula Magistratuum Romanorum. It was through Pighius, for more than fourteen years secretary and librarian to Cardinal Granvelle, that Plantin was to obtain closer contact with the famous prelate when after 1566 the Antwerp printer was living under suspicion of heresy for some time. The interesting point of connection in all these personal contacts is that the marquis of Havré, to whom Frarin dedicated his Oratio and Pighius his edition of Valerius Maximus in 1566, was known to Pighius through Havré's mother who was one of those often visited by Cardinal Granvelle before the time when the Cardinal, under pressure from the nobility, was forced to leave the Netherlands for good¹³. In an eloquent passage flattering to Havré, Pighius explained that he met the young nobleman ‘in comitatu amplissimi patroni mei Cardinalis Granvellani, cum is Bruxellae nobilissimam illam heroinam virtutum omnium cumulo ornatissimam matrem tuam, negotiorum vel officii causa, visitare soleret, tuque illi adeunti frequenter honoris gratia occurreres’. That Havré was a persona grata with those who held highest office in the land appears from the fact that he had been sent to welcome Alexander Farnese and the count of Egmont on their arrival in Brussels on 30 April 1565. Farnese - whose mother was Margaret of Parma, the Regent of the Netherlands - and Egmont had returned from Spain, Egmont having been sent there to present to Philip II an account of the grievances of the country¹⁴.

Though Peter Frarin, in his dedication to Havré, makes it plain that he does not know the young nobleman personally, it is obvious

12 The text of this dedicatory letter, dated 13 August 1566, will be found reprinted in Stephani Vinandi Pighii Epistolarium, ed. H. De Vocht (Louvain, 1959), p. 107.

13 On this episode see L. Voet, The Golden Compasses, I, 55.

14 See Léon van der Essen, Alexandre Farnèse, Prince de Parme, Gouverneur Général des Pays-Bas (1545-1592) (5 vols., Brussels, 1933-1937), I, 109-110.

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that it was through him that he was sure to find a favourable hearing with Margaret of Parma. Though her name is not explicitly mentioned, the references Frarin makes to Havré's egregia Domina and to the fact that the great virtues of Havré's humanissima Domina had provoked him to publish his Oratio make it abundantly clear that this great Mistress is Margaret of Parma¹⁵. Of far greater interest is the fact that the dedication to Havré represents a historical document which has been overlooked by students of the period. The remarkable thing is that Frarin offered his Oratio as a new year's gift to Margaret of Parma (obsequij ac beneuolentiae causa, straenas offerre egregiae D. tuae, hoc ineuntis anni primordio). The gift of the printed work was intended for the New Year, 1566, but the Oratio itself was delivered viva voce in Louvain in December before a select audience. But the Oratio and its dedication take on an entirely different significance if we bear in mind that the foundations of the famous Compromis des Nobles (the Covenant of the Noblemen) were laid on Sunday 18 November 1565¹⁶. It was on that day that Franciscus Du Jon preached a sermon in the house of the Count of Culemborg before a group of about twenty representatives of the lesser nobility. It was also on that very day that the nuptial banquet of Alexander Farnese was taking place in the Brussels Town Hall in the presence of a large gathering of the great noblemen of the country. Peter Frarin may therefore be looked upon as the catholic counterpart of Franciscus du Jon (Junius), a dissenting minister who was the pastor of the secret congregation of Huguenots at Antwerp and who had been invited to Brussels to preach. It was after Du Jon's sermon that the noblemen resolved to form a league against the Inquisition and that the first decisions were taken with a view to forming the Compromis des Nobles. This

15 Frarin paints a gruesome picture of the atrocities he had seen during a recent visit to France. The end of his dedicatory epistle, dated ‘Louanij, Calendis Ianuarij, Anno. 1566.’, apostrophises Margaret of Parma as ‘Illustri D. Tuae, nobilis iuuentutis lumini, vitam longam, incolumen, foelicemque precor’. A passage where Frarin addresses Havré points out significantly that the marquis is nobilium adolescentum princeps, the whole epistle showing that Havré was looked upon as a man to whom in the future the country might appeal in its hour of need.

16 Authorities have disagreed as to the date when Du Jon preached. L. van der Essen, Alexandre Farnèse, I, 139 favours the date mentioned above.

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historic occasion may well be being glanced at in the following passage of Frarin's Oratio.

Prodeat ergo sub Magnifici tui nominis auspicio, nobilissime Carole, in lucem, quod dixi contra nobilium omnium, totiusque nobilitatis hostes, contra illos homines, qui inuitis principibus publicae administrationis gubernaculo manus nefarias admouent, qui summam Rerumpublicarum suae voluntatis arbitrio quasi velitatione quadam transuersa agunt in scopulos qui Regibus sceptra extorquere conantur e manibus, qui xtinguere penitus laborant stemmata nobilium nobilesque familias omnes.

Frarin's Oratio carries in its imprint the words Lovanii, Apud Ioannem Foulerum, which obviously need not mean that Fowler was the printer of the Oratio but which certainly suggests that the work was on sale at his shop in Louvain. The Oratio apparently impressed Fowler, so much so that he embarked upon a translation, to which he prefaced an Epistle to the Reader which calls attention to the origin of the Oratio. This translation is entitled An Oration Against the Unlawfull Insurrections of the Protestants of Our Time (R L B: L.P. 384A). The Oratio originated, Fowler observes, in a ‘laudable custome’ of the University of Louvain, ‘which is yearly observed there’, that in the month of December all ordinary lessons cease for the space of one whole week, and ‘in place thereof some learned man is chosen by common assent to be the President of certaine Disputations’. In the margin these discussions are called Disputationes Quodlibeticae, which calls attention to medieval precedent whereby arguments were advanced ‘for both partes of the questions, and leaving to the iudgment of the Respondent to chuse whiche parte he liketh best (whereof those exercises have theyr name) and the next daye folowing in that place to handle the same Rethoricallie the space of two houres together’. John Fowler had found a friend in Frarin for he continues: ‘Amonge diuerse other, this laste December, there, a learned man toward the Law called M. Peter Frarin borne in Antwerp made an Oration against the Insurrections of the Protestantes and Sectes of our time not without greate commendation, which, at the earnest requeste of his frindes, he suffered to be afterwarde printed’. Fowler conferred with Frarin and decided to embark on a translation ‘with the aduise

[p. 15]

of the Author’, a translation which appeared on its title-page with his printing-device and the imprint Antverpiae. Ex officina Ioannis Fouleri. M.D.L.X.V.I. This imprint suggests clearly that Fowler had set up a printingshop of his own in Antwerp. A similar imprint appears in John Rastell's A Treatise Intitled, Beware of M. Iewel, but for this book an entry of license has been preserved in a register of the Conseil Privé Autrichien. Its printing was authorised on 8 March 1566 by Petri Cunerus, who had also acted as the censor of Sander's Supper of our Lord, and who, we now learn from the CPA entry for Rastell's Treatise, was the head priest of St. Peter's Church in Louvain¹⁷. He was born in Duivendijke in Zealand in 1531 but is often found styled Brouwershaviensis in documents of the time. From this as well as from his earlier intervention as censor it is clear that Cunerus was a keen defender of the doctrine of transubstantiation and particularly in the form embodied in Paul's Epistle to the Corinthians (1 Cor. xi. 23). As regards Fowler himself, on the other hand, there are two entries in ledgers and journals of Plantin for the year 1566 which confirm that Fowler had changed his residence and had set up as a printer. The first is the more informative. Under the date ‘1566. Le 3e d'Avril en Anvers’ there is an entry with the following statement: ‘Ledit à Johannes Fouler Imprimeur Anglois Inde Happer straete. - 30. Blosij tiro spiritualis 16^o Lovanij blanc. 15 st. sur quoy il disoit nous avoir rendu 1 Breviar à 15 st. Il est saldé’, while the second entry, under the date 20 July, reads ‘Ledit à Jehan Fouller Anglois. De officio pij viri 8^o blanc st. 1½. Il est compté et saldé’¹⁸.

Petri Cunerus probably authorised the publication of a few more books after Sander's Supper of our Lord and Rastell's Treatise, but his name does not reappear in CPA entries until 2 August 1567, when he licensed a number of homilies by Laberius Daneus. This is

17 CPA, reg. 673, fol. 192 v^o.

18 Museum Plantin-Moretus, Journal, Archives 44, p. 40b and Arch. 44, p. 98. The second entry has a marginal note: ‘Auons en commission et garde’. The printing-shop was in the Happaertstraat, a street opened in 1550 on the property of squire Jan Happaert (died in 1561), after whom the street was named. The street has retained its original name to this day. See F. Prims and M. Verbeeck, Antwerpsch Straatnamenboek (Antwerp, 1926), p. 127. De Officio pii viri is a book by Johannes Hessels (Plantin, 8^o, 1566).

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understandable in view of the tense situation created by the religious disturbances of the year 1566 in which events Cunerus can be shown not to have been a mere observer. Early in August 1566 feelings ran particularly high in Antwerp and so Petri Cunerus, too, chose to make Antwerp his temporary home in order to be in the thick of the fray. The contacts pointed out earlier indeed make it likely that Cunerus and Fowler were acquainted with one another. Early in August 1566 Cunerus became involved in a violent dispute with another priest at a time when field-preachings were being held in a place called ‘the Kelle’, that is the Kiel, a suburb of Antwerp ‘aboutt an enggleshe myll with houtt the towne.’ We learn of this from a letter written on 11 August by Richard Clough to Thomas Gresham. Clough also reported to his master that the ‘hed of Santt-Petters chourch of Loven’, whom we can with certainty identify as Cunerus, had narrowly escaped being killed by the rioters. The other priest, about whose identity Clough likewise chose to remain silent, had so virulently attacked the Pope and the abuse of the ‘Spyrytuallty’, indulging in such violent personal vituperation of Cunerus that the venerable doctor of the church, set upon by an excited mob crying ‘kyll hym, kyll hym!’, had had to fly for dear life and find shelter in a house until ‘in fyne the Skowtard came and toke hym prysoner, and, as hytt ys sayd, syttyt in water to the kneys, for that, as sone as he was taken, the Skowtard whentt to the Prynse to knowe hys pleasure, whome appowyntyd howe he...’¹⁹. Cunerus was apparently taken into custody to be examined by no less a person than William of Orange (‘the Prynse’), the famous political leader who stayed in Antwerp for most of this crucial year in an attempt to pacify the city, a mission entrusted to him by the Regent of the country, Margaret of Parma. Incidentally, from the contemporary chronicle of events compiled by Godevaert van Haecht, it appears that the subject of the preachings

19 See Relations politiques, IV, 335-6. The end of the letter is missing. From De Kroniek van Godevaert van Haecht (ed. R. Van Roosbroeck, Antwerp, 1929-30, I, 93) we learn that Cunerus was later released on bail. See also Antwerpsch Archievenblad, IX, 305 and 313 for his depositions. On Cunerus see Van der Aa's Biographisch Woordenboek, III, 918-920. Characteristically, Cunerus published in 1576 a Tractaet vant hoochwaerdich Sacrament des Aultaers, which was printed by Velpius.

[p. 17]

was again drawn from Paul's Epistle to the Corinthians. But let us return to Fowler.

There can hardly be any doubt that Fowler had also decided to leave Louvain for Antwerp, say in March 1566, because no other city could have offered him greater facilities for his profession, sixteenth-century Antwerp having developed into the great commercial centre for import and export par excellence. All the great financial houses of the world had branches there, the extraordinary prosperity of its citizens being also reflected in its sumptuous buildings and its rapidly extending boundaries. Its population exceeded a hundred thousand in 1566 and it had become the most populous city of the Netherlands. It is therefore not surprising that Fowler felt drawn towards it. Quite apart from the fact that there were more Englishmen in Antwerp than anywhere else in Flanders and that it was among these that he hoped to find a readership, Fowler could not fail to realize that the city offered great opportunities for rising printers because more than half the number of printing-houses in the whole of the Netherlands were at that time in Antwerp. Furthermore, the new intellectual climate which reigned there, with all sorts of heresies raising their ugly heads, must have been the most powerful inducement of all for a man of Fowler's calibre. His great aim in coming to the great metropolis of the West was to help stem the tide of sectarianism.

In this connection it is interesting to note that the controversial works of Thomas Harding (1516-1572) were in 1564 printed in Louvain and in 1565 in Antwerp, by John Latius and Aegidius Diest respectively, but that in 1566 A Reioindre to M. Iewels Replie was sent to Fowler's newly established printing-house, if not to be printed then at least to be on sale there. It should also be borne in mind that an able press-corrector could supervise the printing of English works. Harding's A Reioindre appeared with the imprint Ex officina Ioannes Fouleri. The story of the printing of the Reioindre is in many ways a remarkable one. No requests for printing books were made to the Privy Council in Brussels between 30 March and 19 September 1566, at least there are no entries between these dates. It is abundantly clear that this considerable gap was due to the fact that the authorities had their

[p. 18]

hands full with other things in these troublesome times, swamped as they were by the tide of revolution. But licences were accorded and again it was Cunerus who was called in to authorise the printing of the Reioindre on 7 May 1566, on which book the Privy Council was to confer its blessings on 20 May 1566. This information is derivable from the printed book itself.

For the purpose of detecting the printer of Sander's Supper and Harding's Reioindre Mr J. Machiels, Librarian of the University of Ghent, has examined for me the original copies of these two works in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris. His conclusion is that the typographical similarity between A Reioindre (press-mark D. 8035) and The Supper (press-mark D. 9733) is very striking. Typographical research in sixteenth century typefaces is still in its infancy and H.D.L. Vervliet, a great specialist in this field, has repeatedly warned us in the introduction to his Sixteenth-Century Printing Types of the Low Countries (Amsterdam, 1968) that the same typefaces were simultaneously used by different printers. Nonetheless, according to Mr Machiels, both The Supper and A Reioindre show a similar type area and use the same textura (T 41) as well as similar Greek letters and very probably issued from the same press. A point of incidental interest is that the copy of The Supper examined by Mr Machiels bears the following inscription: ‘Th. Stapletoni liber: ex Dono Authoris/Collegij Anglicani Societatis Jesu Leodij Bibl. Mai’, which it is difficult to interpret. As far as I have been able to determine Thomas Stapleton (1535-1598) never resided in Liége and it is therefore reasonable to assume that the Latin inscription tells us only that the copy of Sander's Supper which was once in the possession of Stapleton passed for a time into the hands of the English Jesuits established in Liège.

In all there were four works with the Antwerp imprint and dated 1566: Fowler's English translation of Frarin's Oratio, Harding's A Reioindre to M. Iewels Replie, Rastell's A Treatise Intitled Beware of M. Iewel and Rastell's The Third Booke, Declaring... that it is time to Beware of M. Iewel; in the last-named book the epistle ‘To the Indifferent Reader’ closes with the undated formula ‘Farewel. From Louane’. It has sometimes been argued that these

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Fowler imprints were false, but it is clear from Plantin's Journal for 1566 that Fowler spent a considerable time in Antwerp in his capacity of Imprimeur Anglois. Rastell's Third Booke still carried the imprint ‘Antverpiae,/Ex Officina Ioannis Fouleri./M.D. LXVI’, but in the next book to be associated with Fowler's name, William Allen's A treatise made in defence of the lauful power, we find it changed to ‘Louanii,/Apud Ioannem Foulerum./ Anno D. 1567’, a change of style which it seems justifiable to attribute to the fact that the printer had temporarily resumed the trade of bookseller or had asked other printers to print for him²⁰. It is likely that Fowler left Antwerp shortly after the iconoclastic riots of August 1566 and the suggestion that his printing-shop may well have been harassed by the rioters is not far-fetched. After July 1566 there is no further entry of Fowler's name in Plantin's Journal until 21 January 1568, when it is recorded that Plantin placed an order for a number of books with ‘Iohannes Foulerius Anglus Libraire à Louvain’ (Archives 17, p. 91, on the doibt avoir side). Note that the first item ordered was ‘12 Epistolae Thomae Mori’, which Fowler printed early in 1568 (for which see the books listed under that year).

Back in Louvain by the end of 1566 Fowler resumed the trade of bookseller. In 1567 he printed or had printed for him the seven following works: (1) William Allen's A treatise made in defence of the lauful power and authoritie of priesthod (RLB: LP 3143 A); (2) Thomas Dorman, A request to M. Iewell; (3) Nicholas Sander, A treatise of the images of Christ; (4) Thomas Harding, A reioindre to M. Iewels replie against the sacrifice of the masse²¹, which is a

20 For title-pages and other information on sixteenth-century catholic books see A.C. Southern, Elizabethan Recusant Prose (London, 1950). Southern's account of Fowler, relying as it does on inaccurate or careless authors, is in many ways misleading and open to criticism. See also the detailed review of Southern's book by A.F. Allison and D.M. Rogers in The Library, Fifth Series, VI (June 1951), 48-57. From now on I will quote titles of books in accordance with the way they are listed by A.F. Allison and D.M. Rogers, A Catalogue of Catholic Books in English Printed Abroad or Secretly in England 1558-1640 (Biographical Studies 1534-1829, Vol. 3, 1966, repr. 1968).

21 For Sander's Treatise and Harding's Reioindre there are entries in CPA, reg. 673 fol. 200 and fol. 207 under the dates 4 November 1566 and 1 September 1567 respectively. The treatise of the images of Christ was of course prompted by the iconoclastic riots of August 1566. For other English works entered in CPA registers see M. Baelde's article mentioned in footnote 4.

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different work from Harding's 1566 Reioindre; (5) John Rastell, A briefe shew of the false wares; (6) Nicholas Sander, The rocke of the churche; and (7) Thomas Stapleton, A counterblast to M. Hornes vayne blaste. In 1568 Fowler brought out six more works: (1) An edict or ordonance of the French king Charles IX, conteining a prohibition and interdiction of all preaching and assembling, (2) Harding's A detection of sundrie foule errours; (3) Osorio da Fonseca's A learned and very eloquent treatie [sic], the translation being made by John Fen; (4) Nicholas Sander, A briefe treatise of vsurie and, possibly, (5) Laurence Vaux, A catechisme, or a Christian doctrine, necessarie for chyldren and the ignorant people; and (6) Thomas More, Epistola in qua respondet literis Johannis Pomerani (ULG: Theol. 2625) a work for which the Privy Council issued a licence under the date 9 February 1568 in the name of Joannes Foulerus who is described as ‘engelman [sic] residerende binnen onser universiteyt van Leuven’ (CPA, reg. 673 fol. 209 v^o). In view of its being entered in Fowler's name it looks as though the Epistola issued from Fowler's own printing-press for it also bears the imprint Louanii ex officina Ioannis Fouleri, whereas the other five carry Apud Ioannem Foulerum in their imprint. The works published in 1569 include: (1) Reginald Pole, A treatie [sic] of iustification, (2) Nicholas Sander, De Typica et Honoraria Sacrarum Imaginum Adoratione (RLB: II 41322(a)); (3) Reginald Pole, De Summo Pontifice Christi in Terris Vicario (RLB: L.P. 4224A and ULL: Res. 5A 70221); and (4) Pius V, Bulla..... lecta (RLB: L.P. 1511A). Those published in 1570 include (1) Antonio Possevino, A treatise of the holy sacrifice of the altar, which was a translation made by Thomas Butler; (2) Gilbertus Genebrardus, Chronographia (ULG: Theol. 6579), of which a second edition was to appear in 1572; Thomas à Kempis, De Christi Imitatione (RLB: L.P. 453A); and (4) Thomas Aquinas, Ex Universa Summa Sacrae Theologiae. In 1571 Fowler brought out the following works (1) (possibly) John Leslie, The copie of a letter writen out of Scotland; (2) Philip Morgan (= John Leslie), A treatise concerning the defence of... Marie

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of Scotland, of which the imprint reads Leodië apud Gualterum Morberium, but of which part 3 was probably printed for Fowler (RLB: L.P. 4275A); (3) Nicholas Sander, De visibili monarchia ecclesiae, of which the colophon J. Fouleri cura et impensa excudebat Reynerus Velpius makes it clear that this work had been printed by Velpius (RLB: V.B. 1546).

It is from Fowler's Louvain period that a statement concerning his activities has been preserved in the Public Record Office, London. On 11 October 1571 a certain Henry Simpson gave evidence under examination at York that

Mr. Fowler, an Englishman, prints all the English books at Louvaine written by Mr. Harding or others, and the Duke of Alva's printer, who lives in Brussels, all the Latin that are against the doings in England. Wm. Smith, a Welshman, servant to Dr. Harding, commonly brings the books to the printing²².

The publications for 1572 include: (1) P. Sutor, De vita cartusiana, which was printed for Fowler by Velpius and of which the Cambridge University Library possesses a copy; (2) G. Genebrardus, Chronographia (ULG: Hist. 5347 and ULL: 3A 23482); (3) Alan Cope, Syntaxis historiae & evangelicae (ULG: Theol. 415); (4) John Leslie, The copie of a letter writen out of Scotland and (5) John Leslie, A treatise of treasons against Q. Elizabeth. The only Latin work printed with a Louvain imprint in 1573 that has come to my notice is J. Giovanus, De Schismate (RLB: V.H. 15.381A1 L.P. and ULL: Res. 5A7025), all the other 1573 works either carrying an Antwerp imprint or offering no clues as to place of printing. Let us therefore turn to an examination of Fowler's career in Antwerp and Douay, incidentally begging leave, for the sake of convenience, also to include there a few pieces of evidence relating to the printer's earlier period. The mere fact that archivists have brought together documents which are widely separated chronologically necessitates their treatment in one or other of these two sections.

22 Calendar of State Papers, Dom. Eliz., Addenda, 1566-1579, ed. M.A.E. Green, Vol. 7, p. 365.

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II. Fowler in Antwerp and Douay

Through an examination of the Plantin account books it is possible to determine with some precision when Fowler left Louvain. The last time we find an entry under ‘Foulerus Anglus Bibliopola Lovaniensis’ occurs on the debit side (Fowler doit avoir) in one of Plantin's ledgers on 18 March 1573. On that day we find there is a record of a purchase of books from Fowler which has been carried forward from an earlier ledger (Archives, 17, p. 251). The total amount which Plantin owed Fowler was 204 florins. This entry is related to a later one in the same ledger which no longer specifies Fowler's place of residence but states that the accounts have now been settled in Antwerp for the amount due. This settlement took place on 11 June 1573 (Arch., 17, p. 282.: ‘conclusion de compte faict en Anvers avec ledit’). This agreement was confirmed on the same date when Plantin and Fowler agreed upon a compte courront de change (Arch. 17, p. 283). It would seem from all this that the printer moved to Antwerp in the period between late March and early June 1573. And so the first book of Fowler's to appear with an Antwerp imprint was Thomas More's A dialogue of cumfort against tribulation (RLB: L.P. 3663A). The closing formula of its dedicatory epistle ‘From Antwerp, the last of September. An. 1573’ is completely in line with the evidence from the Plantin accounts.

Yet I believe that one of the first books with which Fowler was in some way involved on arrival in Antwerp was G.T.'s A table gathered owt of a booke named a treatise of treasons against Q. Elizabeth. It is doubtfully ascribed to 1573 by both A.C. Southern, Elizabethan Recusant Prose, p. 501 and Allison and Rogers, A catalogue....., p. 152, but the former places its publication in Louvain while the latter authors assign it to Antwerp, for which many grounds can be advanced particularly because of G.T.'s work being connected with Sir Christopher Hatton, who spent a considerable time in Antwerp in June and early July 1573. Hatton at the time, was captain of the Queen's body-guard and had come to the Low Countries because he had fallen seriously ill and had

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decided to take the waters at Spa where he stayed in July and early August, returning to England in the second half of August when he was well again. In this connection it is further interesting to note that among the manuscripts preserved at Hatfield there is a letter from one T.G. addressed to Hatton and written from Antwerp on 25 June 1573 in which the writer refers to his enclosing ‘a Table of Treasons collected out of a book lately come out of France’ (see Hatfield MSS, II, 1888, p. 54).

At this point it is necessary to draw attention to an important contemporary letter which deals at length with questions of authorship and the identity of printers and which seems to have been overlooked by students of the period. The letter²³ is an exceedingly long one and refers in turn to three of the works mentioned in the preceding pages, though the writer studiously avoids referring to them directly by title. It was written on 1 February 1575 by Thomas Wilson, the English ambassador in Brussels, and addressed from Antwerp to William Cecil, Lord Burleigh, Lord High Treasurer and chief minister of Queen Elizabeth, and it deals in turn with John Leslie's A treatise concerning the defence of.... Marie of Scotland (1571), Leslie's A treatise of treasons (1572 or 1573) and G.T.'s A table gathered (1573?). What emerges from Wilson's letter, which is too long to quote in its entirety, is that one of the devices used in discovering the identity of authors was to intimidate those suspected of knowing it by accusing them of having themselves written the book, thus forcing them to reveal what they knew. Thus Sir Thomas Copley (1534-1584), a Roman Catholic exile in Flanders who yet professed allegiance to Queen Elizabeth, had the composition of A treatise concerning the defence of.... Marie of Scotland foisted upon him. As to A treatise of treasons Sir Francis Englefield was suspected of being involved in its composition. In the third paragraph of his letter Wilson finally turns to the work of G.T. and reveals that John Fowler was

23 See Relations politiques, VII, 432 ff. See also Cal. of State Papers, Foreign Ser. Eliz., 1575-77 (vol. XI, 1880, ed. A.J. Crosby), p. 11 for an abstract which, textually, is less reliable. For a later, not hitherto noticed, reference to Fowler see ibd., XI, p. 194, in a letter of Henry Mason of 7 December 1575.

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strongly suspected of being the printer of both John Leslie's A treatise of treasons and its ‘abstracte’ by G.T.

And nowe to Your Lordship's letter of 4 of this monthe, I have spoken with Fowler, the prynter, who wyl not disclose any thynge to me towchynge the pryntinge of the abstracte, and denieth utterlie that he was ever so moche as privie to the pryntinge of either of the bookes; but, because earnestlie pressed to saie where he thought either the lesser or greater booke showlde bee prynted, sayde that he thought the lesser booke was prynted in Liege, but he woulde not geave unto me any reasons of his so thynkinge. I charged hym, as I have doone dyverse others, to saye unto me whether he thought our Soverayne to bee lawful Queene of Englande or no, and neyther he, nor yet any other have refused to acknowlege the same.

I am afraid that this passage does not help us much in establishing the identity of the printer of Leslie's Treatise and its ‘abstracte’. But to return to the safer ground of Thomas More's A Dialogue of cumfort. This work was dedicated to Lady Jane Dormer, Duchess of Feria (1538-1612), whose Spanish husband, Count and then Duke of Feria (died 7 September 1571), had been one of the most prominent members of the pro-Spanish faction at the court of Margaret of Parma. Throughout his life John Fowler lived within the orbit of the great of this earth and all of his contacts with the outside world were with the higher nobility and the higher clergy. In his dedicatory epistle he referred to the magnificent edition of Thomas More published by Richard Tottel in 1557 but he also opened it with an allusion to one of his own smaller works, though its title is not mentioned. ‘Whereas I was so bold the last yere,’ Fowler writes, ‘to dedicate to your Honour, a litle Treatise of mine own translating....’ This obviously refers to A briefe fourme of confession, which appeared with an Antwerp imprint in 1576 and which was subsequently reprinted with Laurence Vaux's Catechism. The dedicatory epistle of A briefe fourme of confession, again addressed to the Duchess of Feria, carries the date Louvain 2 April 1572. It therefore looks as though there was an earlier edition of A briefe fourme of confession.

While at Antwerp Fowler employed various printers but it is practically certain that his own printing-shop had not fallen idle,

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as will appear from the request his widow addressed to the Privy Council, a document to be studied presently. As we have seen, the chief printer employed by Fowler was Reyner Velpius, who, for example, printed Nicholas Sander's De Visibili Monarchia Ecclesiae (Louvain, 1571), of which a second edition appeared in Antwerp in 1578. But he also engaged other printers. While it does not appear who printed Richard Bristow's A briefe treatise of diuerse plaine and sure wayes to finde out the truthe (with the imprint Antuerpiae, Apud Iohannem Foulerum, Anglum, MDLXXIIII), Bristow's Demaundes to be proponed of Catholiques to the heretikes (1576) was, as appears from a statement at the end of the book, printed by Louis de Winde, a Douay printer. Another Fowler publication, Thomas à Kempis' De Christi Imitatione, was printed by the Louvain printer J. Masius in 1575 (RLB: L.P. 454A). Louis de Winde also printed William Allen's De Sacramentis in genere...Libri tres (1576), which reads in fine ‘Duaci, excudebat Ludovicus de Winde, cura et impensa Iohanni Fouleri’ (Ghent Episcopal Seminary, A294; ULL: 3A40386). After the death of de Winde his widow carried on the business and printed Thomas Stapleton's Orationes Sex (Antwerp, 1576) (PLA: A2132), for A. Labarre is no doubt right in stating that this work was ‘vraisemblablement imprimé à Douai’²⁴. The last work to be published by Fowler while still in Antwerp was Markos Marulic's Dictorum Factorumque Memorabilium Libri Sex (1577) (RLB: III.27.602A; PLA:A2132). It was printed by the Antwerp printer Gerard Smits and dedicated by Fowler to Carolus Borromeus, which again indicates that Fowler was used to rubbing shoulders with the great. As a point of incidental interest I would like to mention that Borromeus, the Cardinal Archbishop of Milan who died in 1585 and was canonized in 1610, had become very well known in the years 1576-1577 at a time when the plague was raging in Milan, carrying off thousands of people. It was at this time that Borromeus composed a devotional work which became a favoured instrument of the Counter-Reformation. Of this book, entitled The Testament

24 A. Labarre, Répertoire bibliographique des livres imprimés en France au seizième siècle. Douai (Baden-Baden, 1972), p. 28.

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of the Soule, a unique copy in English dated 1638 has survived²⁵. When we take into consideration the prominence of Fowler in the printing trade and his contacts with Borromeus, there can be little doubt that he knew of this Testament and was possibly its printer. Nor should it be forgotten that Milan then formed part of the Spanish dominions and that Don Luis de Requesens, who was governor-general of the Netherlands from 1573 to March 1576, had immediately before that acted as governor of Milan for about a year and a half (April 1572-September 1573).

Fowler's English publications also include Certaine deuout and godly petitions called Iesus Psalter (1574). Another edition of the Jesus psalter appeared in 1576 when The psalter of Sainct Hierome, bearing the date 1576 was added to it. Fowler also brought out one book in Flemish, Frans Vervoort's Hortulus Animae, which probably appeared at the end of 1573 or at the beginning of 1574, for it was approved by the royal censor, J. Molanus, on 25 August 1573. It appears to be an exceedingly rare book of which the British Museum holds a copy (press-mark 3457. d. 30), the Library of the University of Louvain also holding a copy (press-mark Res 5A33117)²⁶. This is why I transcribe its title-page. Hortulus Animae,/oft/Het hoof/ken der Sielen./ Vol alder devoter ghebedekens/ende oefeninghen diemen in/der Kercken lesen sal./Ghemaect bij den Eerw. Pater/Broeder Frans Vervoort./Minderbroeder tot/Mechelen./ Nu op een nyen verbetert ende/vermeerdert./ TANTWERPEN./ Bij M. Ian Foulaert gesworen/Librier inde Camerstraet./Met Privilegie der Co.Ma./ Onderteeckent:/I. De la Torre./ The Hortulus also carries the ‘justitia et pax’ device of Velpius. That Fowler, while in Antwerp, lived as here stated in the Kammerstraat is confirmed by evidence to be mentioned later.

For the year 1575 we possess a further interesting testimony as to Fowler's status in the publishing trade. It is again contained in a

25 See S. Schoenbaum, William Shakespeare. A Documentary Life (Oxford, 1975), pp. 41-6.

26 For editions of this work see B. De Troeyer, O.F.M., Bio-bibliographia Franciscana Neerlandica Saeculi XVI (Nieuwkoop, De Graaf, 1969), II, 386, nr 681, and A. Ampe, ‘Kritisch onderzoek van de Hortulus Animae-drukken ten onzent’, De Gulden Passer, XL (1962), 59-95.

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letter by Thomas Wilson, the English ambassador, a letter which was first noticed by Thomas McNevin Veech²⁷. On 13 March 1575 Wilson wrote from Antwerp to William Cecil, Queen Elizabeth's chief minister, and related a conversation he had had with Arias Montanus, the famous Spanish theologian and great biblical scholar who is chiefly remembered for the lion's share he had in the colossal work of the so-called Biblia Polyglotta, one of the glories of the printer's art produced by the Plantin presses.

This Arias Montanus is he that did sette forthe the greate Bible in eight volumes, in the sacred tonges, whiche cost me 25 liv. flemyshe, a man of greate estimation with Kynge Philippe and generallie beloved here aswel for his good life as for his greate bearynge. I have had hym and Don Bernardino twyse or thryse at my howse, and for that I doe knowe no books doe passe any prynte here, but soche as he speciallie shal allowe, I did deale with hym to knowe the prynter of the Treatise of Treasons, and the author also, wherein he hath taken paynes, and, through hym and Plantine, whome also I have used in this matter, I hope to knowe the prynter and the verie author before it bee longe, yf he bee not alreadie knowen; and, if Fowler bee fownde to bee the man, he shal bee bannyshed this cowntrie, although he nowe doe keepe an open shoppe. Arias Montanus towlde me farther of hymselfe that Sawnders came to him for the pryntinge of his Monarchia, the seaven booke whereof he woulde not allowe to bee prynted within Kynge Philippe's dominions, for that it tended to the breache of pease and touched the bloode of Kynge Philippe's deere syster our Soverayne. And so, Fowler pryntinge al the sayde bookes at Lovayne, savinge the sevente booke onelie, the sayde seavente booke was prynted at Coleyne by Sawnder's lewde practise and so joyned to the rest²⁸.

We have seen that the author of the Treatise of treasons was bishop John Leslie and that John Fowler was connected with its printing. The passage shows clearly that the English government took Sander's De Invisibili Monarchia very seriously and that the identity of printers could in the spacious days of great Elizabeth remain concealed even from those who held high office as well as from the greatest scholars of the time, even though, as Wilson tells us,

27 Thomas McNevin Veech, Dr Nicholas Sanders and the English Reformation 1530-1581 (Louvain, 1935), p. 90.

28 Relations politiques, VII, 470.

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Fowler ‘now doe keepe an open shoppe’. We must now devote close attention to a number of documents which will add considerably to our knowledge of this remarkable man.

Of the three documents that are preserved in carton 1276 of the Spanish Privy Council, the request introduced by Alice Fowler in 1580 is the most interesting. Though it has not passed unnoticed²⁹, it has not yet been published and studied with attention. This request, written on one side of a single sheet, is accompanied by other papers made up of two once-folded sheets of paper, placed one inside another so as to make an eight-page booklet. This latter document, to which we will first give attention, is in fact a copy of the original letters patent granted to John Fowler in 1570 by Philip II, King of Spain. The four and a half pages of its text are too long to quote in full here but the following passage deserves notice:

Receu avons lhumble supplication de Jehan Foulerus imprimeur et libraire juré résident en nostre ville de Louvain / Contenant comme il ait longue années exercé lart et stil de limprimerie et librairie par nostre commission et congé/Et il soit que pour obtempérer et satisfaire à noz ordonnances naguèrres faictes et publiées en noz pays de pardeca sur le faict et exercise de ladicte imprimerie, ledict suppliant auroit en préalable obtenu du vicaire général de larchévesque de Malynes son diosain, ensemble de son pasteur, et du Recteur de l'université audict Louvain son juge ordinaire Lettres d'attestation en fourme pertinente de sa bonne conduicte allendroict de nostre Religion Catholicque / Ensemble de sa bonne fame, et renommée / Avecq encoires autres lettres de Christoffle Plantin / Prothotypographe à ce par nous commis sur son idonéité scavoir et expérience en lart de ladicte imprimerie.

The document is dated at the end ‘données en nostre ville Danvers le vingt neufiesme jour de Juillet, Lan de grâce mil cincq cent soixante dix’. The reference to Plantin is a reminder of the fact that Philip II had created the office of prototypographer by ordinance of 19 May 1570 and had, by letters patent of 10 June,

29 See L. Antheunis, ‘Engelsche drukkers in de Spaansche Nederlanden: John Fowler (1537-1579)’ Bijdragen tot de Geschiedenis, XXVIII (Antwerp, 1937), 114-127. Incidentally, the Fowler bibliography contained in this article is unreliable.

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appointed Plantin to this post. Plantin's duties involved an examination of the proficiency in the art of printing of those who wanted to join the trade. At the same time the examination was to record where the prospective printers came from, what their linguistic skills were and whether they had special abilities. Plantin did not examine the religious orthodoxy of new candidates. Obviously this was the task of the ecclesiastical authorities in Mechlin and Louvain. That such was the procedure is also indicated by the French text just quoted. The register in which Plantin entered the minutes of this examination has been preserved and under the date of 20 July 1570, when John Fowler was catechised, we find the following text, which, although it has been printed before³⁰, may well be reprinted here since hitherto it has sometimes been inaccurately referenced.

Johannes Foullerus, imprimeur, demourant à Louvain, s'estant présenté à moy, en la présence de Jehan Verwithaghe, imprimeur, et Jehan vanden Driesche, notaire, à ce appellés. Et premièrement m'a exhibé lectres de son admission, passées le 5. jour de May 1565, signées Facwez, sur le dos desquelles appert qu'il a faict le serment à ce requis ès mains du lieutenant du Maieur de Louvain, le mesme jour, et d avantage, lectres d'attestation de sa vie catholique, du Recteur de l'Université de Louvain, en datte du 18. du présent mois. Et a déclaré n'avoir point aprins l'art, sinon depuis qu'il s'est mis à imprimer et tenir compagnons pour ce faire, et sçait composer et imprimer et autres exercices dudict art de l'imprimerie. Et sçait le latin, françois, italian, espagnol avec son maternal anglois, et aucunnement le grec et le flameng. Et luy ay enchargé de s'addresser au conseil du Roy et d'observer, et faire le devoir de l'estat.

Let us now turn to the request submitted by the widow of John Fowler. The situation in which she found herself after her husband's death on 13 February 1579 will be examined in some detail later, but the obvious thing for her to do then was to set up in business herself, such being the normal practice of printers'

30 Museum Plantin-Moretus (Antwerp), Archives 25, fol. 7 v^o. The transcript given here follows that given by Ph. Rombouts in his Certificats délivrés aux imprimeurs des Pays-Bas par Christophe Plantin (Antwerp, 1881), p. 14. Rombouts follows the editorial practice mentioned in footnote 5.

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widows in the sixteenth century. This is why she addressed her request to the appropriate authorities which, for the region of Douay in which she was staying, happened to be the Privy Council of the governor-general Alexander Farnese, Prince of Parma. Having presented her application, she was then asked to produce her husband's original printing licence, which she did and then apparently addressed it to an Englishman. On page 8 of the small booklet in the Spanish Privy Council documents which we have considered earlier in this section, there is an inscription in English ‘this to mr Doctor White with the letter’, which is surprising. It no doubt stems from Alice Fowler herself. Though the inscription is a little cryptic, the Dr. white referred to here can hardly be anyone other than Dr. Richard White (ca. 1540-1611), who, after studies at Winchester and Oxford, was to leave England after graduation and become professor of civil and canon law in the University of Douay. That ‘mr Doctor White’ has been correctly identified is borne out by a Latin document - in fact a printing licence - which is also preserved in carton 1276. Incidentally, John Fowler and Richard White were approximately the same age and both had graduated from New College, Oxford, where Richard White had been admitted perpetual fellow in 1557. Fowler's widow had tot apply to the officially recognized censors of books in the Douay region. These were always members of the clergy and chosen from among the professors of the University and, obviously the fact that one of these was Richard White, a former fellow-student of her husband, made him Mrs. Fowler's obvious choice for help in the matter. That such was the procedure finds additional confirmation from two notes inscribed in the margin of Alice Fowler's request itself.

Since it contains information interesting from many points of view a complete transcript of the request is necessary. As was customary in applications of this sort, the original text prepared by Fowler's widow, or her helpers, bears no date. It contains cancelled words and phrases which in the transcription are put between square brackets being used for interlinear insertions. The slanting lines in the original request indicating stops have here been replaced by the conventional punctuation

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marks. The text, characteristically, opens with an address Au Roy, which was cancelled and replaced by the conventional heading Philippes... by some official. It is written so as to leave a generous left-hand margin, which has been used for the two marginal notes. These are separated by the signature of a secretary. In my transcript I have placed the marginal notes immediately after the request, which is now reproduced.

[Au Roy]
Philippes &c. à tous & ceulx
qui ces présentes verront salut.
Receu avons lhumble supplication.

[Remonstre en toute humilité et révérence vostre pauvre servante] La vefve de feu Jehan Fouller angloix jadiz Imprimeur et vendeur des livres ayant à ce faire cydevant passé xvi ans obtenu <nostre> octroy et privilège [de vostre Majesté] avant les premiers troubles en l'an lxiiij lors estant cy arrivé Dengleterre pour la religion, et depuis continuellement [toutjours] faict et [continué] exercé lung et lautre train tant en la ville d'Anvers que Louvain respectivement jusques à la dernière révolte illecq passée environ iij ans. Que depuis dy pour ce retyra en [vostre] <nostre> ville de Douaij, que icelluy son mary est [devenu] allé de vie à trespas [au] <en nostre> service [de vostre Majesté] comme commissaire des vivres en [la] nostre ville de Namur, après le trespaz de [très haute mémoire] de Don Jehan <feu nostre très cher et très aimé bon frère d'Austrice>, délaissant icelle suppliante avecq sa mère et iiij petitz enfans sans beaucop du moyen à <pour> les nourrir et conduyre à honneur. Et comme à ladicte suppliante sont délaissé et demeuré beaucop des livres de valeur et pris de sadicte imprimerie que autres, matrices, fontes des lettres, formes, papier, encre, que autres instrumentz et hardes concernant le faict de [sondict] <sadicte> bouticque et imprimerie, et mesmes encoires aucuns en angloix catholicques non achevez ny du tout parf[ec]<aic>tz. Par où elle avecq <la> grâce de dieu et assistence d'aucuns ses amis à ce bien entenduz et offrans tout bon secours, ayde et adresse, elle pourroit aysément gaigner sa vie avecq ses pouvres enfans et belle mère plustost que de vendre et jecter hors ses mains ce que dessus en ceste saison. Si par acte [la] luy [suppliante] soit consenty et accordé

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de continuer le train tant d'imprimer que de vendre et distribuer livres de par [Vostre Majesté] <nous>. En conformité [et ensuyvant le contenu dicelluy] <ledict précédent> privilège à sondict feu marij donné. [Pour lequel ladicte suppliante très humblement supplie à luy estre consenty et accordé octroy]. Et quil <nous> pleust [vostre Majesté] luy en fère dépescher lettres à ce pertinentes. [Pour ce est il] Scavoir faisons selon ladicte copie auctentique mutatis mutandis et secundum mutata.

L'advis des recteur et ceulx de l'université de Douay. Et ioindra la suppliante loctroy obtenu par son feu mary, ou copie authenticque d'iceluy. Faict à Mons le 10. en octobre 1580.

S. de Grimaldi notarius

Veu l'advis, fiant lettres d'octroy pour imprimer et vendre à Douay, en conformité des lettres précédentes dont copie est icy joinctes. Faict à Valenciennes le 10. en apvril 1581.

Part of the difficulty in reading the manuscript of this text stems from the fact that the original draft was twice added to and corrected, first presumably by Fowler's widow herself and then by some secretary who crossed out several words and replaced them by others, changing for example ‘est devenu de vie à trespas au service de vostre Majesté’ into ‘est allé de vie à trespas en nostre service’, thus giving the phraseology its official character. There is not the least doubt that Alice Fowler herself was responsible for drawing up the text of this request. Small details in the language used make it clear that it is not that of a native, for example parfaictz was originally perfectz, and the special use of révolte in the sense of a change of religious conviction, as will be pointed out presently, is similar to that of the sixteenth century English usage, in certain contexts, of the word revolt.

The two marginal notes appear to have been written at different times by the same hand, the first note being separated from the

[p. 33]

second by the signature of S. De Grimaldi³¹. The notes, which are unmistakably in the handwriting of Jean Richardot (1540-1609)³², record the injunctions of the Privy Council, the first enjoining the petitioner to provide a copy of the earlier privilege. Through the identification of Richardot's hand it now becomes possible to show that he acted as Master of Requests under Farnese as early as October 1580, the request of the widow Fowler probably being one of the first to be submitted to him in this capacity. It took Richardot six months before he could provide the final permission of the Privy Council, one reason for the delay being the extremely confused situation in the Netherlands and another being the fact that the request had to be sent to the ecclesiastical authorities of the University of Douay. The printing licence they accorded has also survived in carton 1276 of the Spanish Privy Council. Significantly it bears the name of Richard White, who is styled pro tempore Rector of the ‘Academy’ of Douay³³. The licence is obviously in its correct position in the chronological development of the legal action, for it has the date 20 March 1581.

Vefue Foulerus octroy
Accepimus ea qua decet reverentia literas Maiestatis Vestrae Rex Catholice cum incluso libello supplice viduae Johannis Foulleri Angli, dum viveret typographi et bibliopolae, exhibituitque etiam nobis dicta vidua copiam authenticam privilegij sui mariti, cuius in dicto libello suo meminit: Quibus omnibus perlectis et perpensis, nobis videtur, Maiestatem vestram recte facturam si praedictae viduae concedat privilegium imprimendi libros Duaci atque etiam facultatem vendendi libros sub ijsdem conditioni-

31 Simon de Grimaldi had been recently appointed ordinary secretary to the Privy Council, namely on 15 July 1578. See M. Baelde, De collaterale raden onder Karel V en Filips II (1531-1578) (Brussels, 1965), p. 265.

32 The handwriting of Jean Richardot is so peculiar and so idiosyncratic as to make it immediately recognisable by all those who have handled documents of the period. The best succinct recent article on Richardot is by Hubert de Schepper in the Nationaal Biografisch Woordenboek, Vol. I (1964), col. 762-775, where further relevant literature is cited.

33 Richard White held the position of professor of Canon Law in Douay after Dr Owen Lewis had left for Cambrai in 1572. See Paul Collinet, L'ancienne faculté de droit de Douai (1562-1793) (Lille, 1900), pp. 91-2, 42. Collinet does not mention White as ‘temporary Rector’.

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bus et legibus quibus defuncto suo marito a Maiestate Vestra haec eadem privilegia concessa fuisse constat ex praedicta copia authentica, quam his literis cum praedicto libello supplice inclusam mittimus iuxta mandatum Maiestatis Vestrae, ut Maiestas Vestra hac de re quod consultum videbitur decernat. Deus Optimus Maximus Maiestatis Vestrae consilia ad augendam religionem Catholicam et salutem rei publicae procurandam dirigat et promoveat. Duaci 20 Martij 1581.
Maiestatis Vestrae
Humiles Oratores
Ricardus Vitus pro
tempore Rector &
Professores Academiae
Duacensis. &.

For a full understanding of the terms of Alice Fowler's request a short historical account of the situation in which the Fowlers found themselves is useful. Deeply committed to the Catholic cause though they were and deeply involved in religious controversies as well, the Spanish Fury on 4 November 1576 in Antwerp must have given them a terrible shock. The event was so important that it precipitated the signing of the Pacification of Ghent a few days later. It brought the larger part of the country for a considerable time under the authority of the States General. The arrival of Don Juan of Austria, the new governor-general appointed by Philip II, ushered in a period of great unrest and anxiety. The fact that he entered the Netherlands by way of Luxemburg in November 1576 shows that he did not feel confident enough to enter it by way of Artois and Flanders, for there he might not have been favourably received. After a number of negotiations Don Juan's governorship was temporarily accepted, notably after the so-called Perpetual Edict of Marche-en-Famennes (12 February 1577), but war was soon to break out again, the battle of Gembloux on 31 January 1578 spelling disaster for the States General. The States troops were utterly defeated by the army commanded by Don Juan, who had recently found a formidable companion-in-arms in the person of Alexandre Farnese, sent to Flanders by Philip II ‘pour assister Don Juan dans le manège des armes’. By 1580, the year in which

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Jean Richardot granted the request of Fowler's widow, Don Juan had died in Namur (October 1st, 1578) and had been succeeded as governor-general by his famous nephew.

It is against the background just outlined that Alice Fowler's words become significant. Her husband had in fact acted, we are told, as ‘commissaire des vivres’ in Don Juan's army, the headquarters of which were in Namur where the printer was to die early in 1579. I suspect, however, that commissaire is a scribal error for commissionnaire. Fowler was certainly not the proveedor général des vivres - this was a man called de Naves³⁴ - but he was no doubt a person who wanted to contribute actively to Don Juan's success. He can therefore be said to have belonged to that group of persons, of foreigners and natives alike who were out-and-out supporters of Don Juan and the Perpetual Edict. This peace was called la paix des prestres by its opponents. Shortly after this Edict was promulgated the new development was described by Thomas Wilson, English Ambassador in Brussels. On 6 May 1577, after Don Juan's entry into Brussels, he informed Sir Francis Walsingham that the brother of Philip II was received with great solemnity and then remarked ironically on ‘the general procession to geave God thankes for commune quietnes, many saynge: Fuit homo missus a Deo, cui nomen erat Johannes’³⁵. Of course, it was the devoted Catholics, traditional champions of royalty, who had found a new prince they could pay their homage to. Such was the extent of the spread of Don Juan's popularity among clergy and nobility that the expression ‘Johannists’ seems to have spring up overnight to become current among Englishmen. At the beginning of July 1578, for example, we find Henry Killigrew using the term in a report which he made to the English government. He writes that there were three factions in all the places he passed. There are the secret protestants and these are joined by the second group, the ‘better part of the papists’, the bons patriotes, because they also would not accept subjection to the Spaniards, but ‘thirde and

34 L. van der Essen, Alexandre Farnèse, I, 197 and II, 36. Compare footnote 23 with its reference to Mason, who similarly held the ‘office of commissioner for the victuals’ and had been told by Fowler of the intercepting of certain letters.

35 See Relations politiques, IX, 291.

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weakest are passionate papists called Johannists, which, rather then to forgo their religion, woulde have Don Juan to rule and commande them³⁶.’ John Fowler, committed Catholic that he was, undoubtedly belonged to these Johannists. The two headquarters from which Don Juan operated were Louvain and Namur and this explains why John Fowler had come within Don Juan's orbit, Louvain having been the place of the printer's residence during a considerable part of the time he was in the Low Countries. And this brings us to a closer consideration of the terms of Alice Fowler's petition.

It has been generally believed³⁷ that Fowler after taking his M.A. degree in Oxford in 1560, left England for religious reasons in the same year or shortly thereafter. In the terms of his widow's request, however, we are told that he had obtained the privilege of Philip II ‘passé xvj ans... avant les premiers troubles en l'an lxiiij lors estant cy arrivé Dengleterre’, which evidently means that he arrived in 1564. On the other hand, he is called a printer and a stationer, having exercised ‘lung et lautre train’ both in Antwerp and Louvain ‘jusques à la dernière révolte illecq passée environ iij ans’. This latter phrase is insufficiently clear for illecq might be held to refer to either Antwerp or Louvain. Bearing in mind, however, that Alice Fowler must have been busy preparing her request not very long after the death of her husband, there can be little room for doubt that la dernière révolte refers to the Spanish Fury of November 1576 in Antwerp, an event which had impressed itself so indelibly on men's minds that it developed into a rallying point around which some form of national resistance against Spain could crystallize. Though the use of an expression like la dernière révolte is a little odd in a context where one would expect the drafter of the request to condone the atrocities of November 1576, it should not be forgotten that William Davison, in his dispatches to the Earl of Leicester and to Francis Walsingham of 3 February

36 The report is to be found in Relations politiques, X, 549-551; the quotation is on p. 550. Also captains Carew and Malby call the supporters of Don Juan the “Don Juanists”, see ibid., X, 555.

37 See R.B. McKerrow, ed. A Dictionary of Printers and Booksellers. (London, The Bibliographical Society, 1910, repr. 1968), s.v. Fowler.

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1578, similarly spoke of the ‘revolt of Lovain’. By this phrase the correspondent simply meant that Louvain had cast off its former allegiance after the battle of Gembloux. Louvain had in fact driven out its Scottish regiments and welcomed the soldiers of Don Juan without striking a blow³⁸. Revolt could also mean ‘to go over to a rival power’ or even ‘to go over to another religion’, the latter meaning being listed as an obsolete one for revolt by the Oxford English Dictionary. This is why I believe that the expression la dernière révolte reflects an English usage.

In the terms of Alice Fowler's request it was stated that her husband depuis dy pour ce retyra en nostre ville de Douaij. This is certainly awkward French, even for the sixteenth century; it probably reflects how ‘from there’ (dy) and ‘for that reason’ (pour ce) is rendered into French by someone who was not completely conversant with the language. ‘For that reason’ refers to the ‘dernière révolte’ and thus Alice Fowler is explicit in stating that her husband left Antwerp after the Spanish Fury of 4 November 1576. A more precise date for the printer's departure is provided by an entry in the so-called Douay College Diaries, from which we learn that he arrived in Douay on 3 August 1577³⁹. He therefore left Antwerp at the end of July. In a further entry under 20 August we read that on that day Antverpiam regressus est Mr Foulerus, that is ‘Mr Fowler has returned to Antwerp.’ Some time before 5 September the journey back to Douay was undertaken for the Diaries record for that day that Eodem die ab Antwerpia reversus est Mr Foulerus qui secum apportavit matrem suam et praeterea tres liberos, an entry which tells us that the printer was accompanied by his mother and three children but, somewhat surprisingly, omits all reference to his wife.

That Alice Fowler did not accompany her husband on his last journey to Douay and remained behind in Antwerp for some time is confirmed by entries in the account books kept by Christopher

38 See Relations politiques, X, 267, 270.

39 Th. F. Knox, ed. The First and Second Diaries of the English College, Douay (London, 1878), p. 126. Under August 3rd the Diary records: ‘Eodem die huc venerunt ab Antverpia Mr Foulerus et Richardus Holtbeius qui ex Anglia illuc transfretaverat’.

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Plantin and preserved in the Plantin-Museum of the great printer's adoptive city. Having abandoned double-entry bookkeeping in 1567, a form of book-keeping which he found too time-consuming, Plantin subsequently contented himself with the much simpler method of entering deliveries and payments to booksellers on the left-hand page of ledgers (doibt), the righthand page being used for deliveries and payments received (doibt avoir). In the ledger for 1577 there is an entry on the debit side which coincides with Fowler's first trip and which runs: ‘Pour lobligation de fl. 230 faite ultima Julij’, a transaction which took place on the last day of July; while on the credit side we find it recorded on 5 November and 23 December 1577 that Plantin received sums of money from Fowler's wife. From the debit side on the next page it further appears that John Fowler, before his departure, must have left in Plantin's safe-keeping a considerable number of books, to the value of more than 200 florins. The entry runs: ‘Joannes Foulerus doibt avoir pour aultant que monte le receue de laultre coste de feuille 13-fl. 111. Item in Julio anno 1577 avons receu quelques livres en garde lesquels montent-fl. 206. st. 16.’ The next entry on the credit side was not made until several months later, on 24 March 1578, and concerned an item taken from Plantin's Journal⁴⁰.

That Fowler was in July 1577 busy closing down his printing business appears from a piece of evidence I owe to the researches of Dr L. Van den Branden in the Municipal Archives in Antwerp. Register 2181 of the Rekenkamer fol. 76 verso (= Cohier van de 3de 100ste penning van de 2de wijk, 1577) yields an entry from which it appears that Fowler had rented a house named Rodenborch, situated in the Kammerstraat, the proprietor of which was the printer Peter Bellerus. He must have given notice of removal in 1577 for on 1 July 1577 the printer Jan Van Waesbergen rented the house and paid fl. 25/18/5, Fowler's name in the entry being

40 Museum Plantin-Moretus, Grootboek, Archives 41, fol. 13 and fol. 14. Plantin mostly reckoned in Carolus-guilder or florin, divided into 20 stuivers (abbr. as st.) or patars. For currency values see L. Voet, The Golden Compasses, I, 440.

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crossed out and replaced by Van Waesbergen's⁴¹. From the moment of his arrival in Antwerp about the middle of 1573 Fowler therefore kept his shop in the Kammerstraat, which was the centre of the Antwerp printing trade where the great Plantin also lived.

It is reasonable to suppose that Fowler's journeys to Douay were undertaken with a view to transporting printing equipment and books, a supposition which seems to be borne out by a significant passage in Alice Fowler's request. Just when Alice joined her husband does not appear from any preserved evidence but that she did join him with her father is clear from passages in the Douay Diaries.

The Fowlers were not to stay in Douay for much longer than six months. A further removal became necessary because of new military and political developments. The victory of Don Juan over the States Army in Gembloux on the last day of January 1578 brought the country into a state of such great confusion and turmoil that for about nine months allegiances were more passionately divided than ever before, with the political future of the area being extremely uncertain and confused. During that period a deep rift developed between the higher ecclesiastical authorities and the nobility on the one hand, and the ordinary population and the supporters of William of Orange on the other, as to whether the authority of Philip II and his governors Don Juan and Farnese, or that of the Estates General should be adhered to. Striking evidence of the new mood appears from the abusive use of the label

41 I thank Dr L. Van den Branden for interpreting the entry, which runs as follows:
‘Cammerstrate
425
S^t p^a Julij
Jan waesbergen boeckuercooper huerlinck vanden huyse genaempt Royenborch daer prop. aff is de selue peter voer - jc lxij gulden C^e penning - xxv gulden xviij st v d’
Dr Van den Branden has also drawn my attention to the fact that a child of Fowler, named Franciscus, was baptised in Antwerp on 25 January 1576. See Parochieregister 7 (Dopen O.-L.-Vrouw), fol. 165. The godparents were Thomas Woeten (= Wotton?) and Catherine Cappeler. From a further document in the Antwerp city Archives (Vierschaar 1400 fol. 93 v^o) it also appears that Fowler's house was situated next to a house called ‘de vette hinne’, Fowler standing bail on 19 May 1576.

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‘Johannists’ which had a great vogue in 1577-78. Indeed, support for the Estates was growing and hostilities broke out to such a degree that the English Catholics in Douay, including those of the English College there, were temporarily forced to seek refuge in Rheims where the Guises were in power. On 22 March 1578 the Douay seminarists left Douay accompanied by the Fowlers, John Harris (Fowler's father-in-law) and a number of other catholics. Though there is no direct evidence of these people leaving Douay, we possess an entry in the Diaries under 14 May 1578 when, on the occasion of a return of all the English at Rheims made to the magistrates on the vigil of the Ascension, 7 May, it was recorded that ‘praeter studiosos vero erant etiam duae familiae, uno Joannis Harris senis, cum uxore, filia, genero et 5 parvulis’. Though at the beginning of November 1578 the political situation had considerably stabilised with new magistrates having assumed power in Douay so that the English College was asked to return, the College authorities declined the invitation and decided to stay in France, which they did for a further fifteen years⁴². In Rheims itself John Fowler joined his brother Francis, who in April 1578 left the city for Rome in the company of William Allen, the president of the College.

The nine months of confusion following Gembloux were months during which occurred what has come to be called the reconciliation of the Walloon provinces. This is of course not the place to describe this important episode of sixteenth century European history in detail - it has been studied by many⁴³ - suffice it to say that after months of skilful manoeuvring on the part of Farnese and his emissaries the Walloon provinces again accepted Philip's royal authority, in most cases after appointing new local magistrates. In Douay this volte-face of allegiance was officially ratified by an edict of the magistrates dated 6 November 1578⁴⁴. John Fowler and his family could now safely return, and return they probably

42 See Peter Guilday, The English Catholic Refugees on the Continent (1558-1795) (London, 1914), which offers full information on English Colleges.

43 L. van der Essen, Alexandre Farnèse, II, 196 ff.

44 See Joseph Lefèvere, ed. Correspondance de Philippe II sur les affaires des Pays-Bas, vol. I (1577-1580) (Brussels, 1940), p. 410.

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did. In the absence of evidence from archives it is idle to speculate on when this new removal took place, though Fowler seems to have set up as a bookseller for in 1578 there appeared the only known work with a Douay imprint to leave Fowler's shop, namely Gregory Martin's A Treatise of Schisme. The fact that many scholars have claimed that this imprint was a false one renders necessary an examination of the conditions under which Martin's book was printed.

The most recent scholarly book in which the English catholic printing-press is extensively treated is A.C. Southern's Elizabethan Recusant Prose 1559-1582 (London, 1950). In this work it is argued that the imprint of Martin's Treatise of Schisme, DVACI./ Apud Iohannem Foulerum. / 1578. /, is false and that the Treatise in fact issued from William Carter's secret London press. Dr Southern points out that

the printing of the Treatise is quite unlike that of Fowler. The type is poor; the factotum capitals are such as Fowler never employs; moreover, the printer has no Greek type.
We may take it that the exact date of printing was December 1578 (two months, incidentally, before Fowler's death), for we read in the Douay Diaries under that date (recorded as a marginal reading):
Hoc mense a quodam alumno seminarii nostri perscriptus et typis mandatus est liber quidam de non communicando cum haereticis⁴⁵.

That the exact date of printing was December 1578 I am prepared to accept, but that the publication itself should not have been involved with the fortunes of Fowler is disputable. One explanation of the imprint is that Fowler may have acted merely as a bookseller for this book, and this is why I would like to suggest that Fowler, whose relations with the higher clergy had always been particularly close, had the sale of the book entrusted to him and so the book's imprint could read Duaci. Apud Iohannem Foulerum, which simply meant that the Treatise of Schisme was obtainable from his shop. When Plantin used in his own imprints the words Apud Christophorum Plantinum it was understood, he wrote in a letter of 4 May 1586, that ‘il s'entend que je ne les [the books] ay pas imprimés mais

45 A.C. Southern, Elizabethan Recusant Prose, p. 453. See also p. 343.

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bien qu'ils sont à vendre à Anvers en nostre boutique’⁴⁶. The fact, however, that the Bodleian copy of A Treatise of Schisme contains a note by Richard Topcliffe, an examiner of suspected priests and who often employed torture, makes it abundantly clear that Carter was the printer. This note, written in Topcliffe's own hand states that ‘Wm. Carter hathe confessed he hath printed of theis bookes 1250’ (see Southern, Recusant Prose, p. 453).

From the widow Fowler's request it is further clear that after her husband's death the family concern of both the sale and the printing of books was able to continue undisturbed, the widow Fowler expressly declaring that she had compositors' equipment and printing materials at her disposal to start work. Both the reference to ‘matrices, fontes des lettres, formes...’ and that to English catholic books ‘non achevez ny du tout parfaictz’ definitely dispose of the contention of A.C. Southern that Fowler was exclusively a stationer. It is further worth noting that during the months that the Fowlers stayed in Rheims the following entry in the Douay Diaries is to be found under the last of May 1578: ‘Maii ultimo venit ex Anglia Laurentius Cooperus non post multos dies iterum in Angliam migraturus, postquam nimirum librorum catholicorum aliqualem copiam suis sibi nummis procurasset. Hos ut saepe ante fecerat simul cum seipso transportabat’. This entry provides striking contemporary evidence of the brisk crosschannel traffic in English catholic books.

But what other books does Dr Southern claim to be of Carter's printing? In addition to Martin's treatise just discussed, Dr Southern has attributed two more books to Carter's printing-house. They are The exercise of a Christian life. Written in Italian... And newly translated into Englishe and Instructions and aduertisements, how to meditate the misteries of the rosarie of the most holy virgin Mary, by Gaspar Loarte, an Italian Jesuit whose works were very popular on the Continent and who died in Spain in 1578. Both works are probably datable to 1579⁴⁷, and are of the group styled

46 See M. Rooses and J. Denucé, edd. Correspondance de Plantin (8 vols., Antwerp, 1883-1920), VII (1918), 320. Letter to Councillor Brughel.

47 We follow the bibliographical description of Loarte's works and their dating by A.F. Allison and D.M. Rogers, A Catalogue of Books... 1558-1640 (see footnote 20).

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n.p.d.. that is, no known printer, place or date of publication. Dr Southern maintains that the two works by Loarte issued from Carter's press, but the argument is only set out once in connection with Loarte's Instructions and Advertisements. It runs as follows:

The printing of this book may be attributed to William Carter on the grounds of its resemblance to that of Gregory Martin's Treatise of Schisme (1578), which Carter acknowledged to be his printing. We note:
1. The style of the printing is similar, and
2. The three principal founts employed by the printer (10 pt. roman, 8 pt. roman and a small italic) are in every respect similar to the three founts used to supplement the blackletter fount of the Treatise.

The argument on bibliographical grounds as advanced here by Dr Southern is completely untenable. Mr J. Machiels, Librarian in the University Library of Ghent, has been so kind as to examine for me the copies of Martin's Treatise of Schisme and of the two Loarte books preserved in the Lambeth Palace Library in London and his conclusion, based on a comparison of the founts employed, is that the three are certainly the work of three different printers. Indeed, Dr Southern's examination of the text must have been carelessly made. Mr J. Machiels believes that Martin's Treatise is certainly the work of an experienced printer, while the two Loarte works were probably also printed in England.

There is, however, positive evidence that Alice Fowler was in some way concerned in the printing or the sale of Loarte's works. Besides the important request discussed in the second section of this study, carton 1276 of the Conseil Privé Espagnol also contains a further document, not a request this time but a copy of the authorisation whereby ‘Aloyse vefve de feu Jehan Foulerus’ was given the licence to print three works by Loarte, with ‘Maître Martin Cools Chantre de l'Église Collégiale de ceste ville, et vicaire de l'Archevesque de Malines’ acting as censor librorum. The licence, which looks like a copy, consists of two folio sheets bearing at the end the date: ‘faict en la ville de Bruxelles le XIXe de Novembre lan de grâce Mil Cincq Nonante trois.’ It is not necessary to quote the authorisation in its entirety because it is full of the tediously repetitive official phraseology, but the passage bearing on the titles

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of the books to be printed deserves quotation. Alice Fowler was licensed to print, or to have printed for her ‘les susdits trois livres, à scavoir les Instructions et advertissemens pour méditer, les quinze mistères du Rosaire de la très saincte Vierge Marie recoeuillees par ledict Père Gaspar Loart. Ensemble les méditations de la passion de nostre Seigneur Jésus Christ, avecq l'art de méditer du mesme autheur, et le susdit livret intitulé Plusieurs dévotes et S.tes pétitions communément appellées le psaultier de Jésus &. nouvellement traduict d'Anglois en François.’

None of these works seems to have survived in French as printed by a Douay press-man, the only French works by Loarte listed in Albert Labarre's Répertoire bibliographique des livres imprimés en France au seizième siècle. Douai (Baden-Baden, 1972) being Loarte's Consolation des affligez, of which two editions are listed for 1593 and 1594 respectively, both printed by Balthasar Bellère. The only work listed as being on sale in the widow Fowler's shop is J. De Cartheny's Le voyage du chevalier errant (1587), but it was printed by J. Trognesius⁴⁸. However, English editions of two works by Loarte did appear and Alice Fowler was interested in Loarte's Instructions and aduertisements, of which an edition may or may not have been issued. The Jesus Psalter, on the other hand, here announced in a French translation, was one of the more important items of John Fowler's printing activity⁴⁹.

We may conclude this survey of John Fowler's life and works by describing briefly the subsequent fortunes of the family as they may be reconstructed on the basis of Plantin's account books. After Fowler's death, business relations with the great Antwerp printer

48 It is worth noting that in this very year 1587 Plantin had sent a large consignment of books to Alice Fowler. See Journal of 1587, f^o 112; ‘A Mademoiselle Alice Fowler librairesse à Douay suivant son mémoire, en ung tonneau adressé au Collège d'Anchin, à Douay.’ See also Correspondance, VIII, 287.

49 The reference is to Certaine devout and godly petitions, commonly called Jesus Psalter. Antverpiae. Apud Iohan. Foulerum. Anno. 1575. It is worth noting that the Huntington Library copy of Loarte's Instructions and aduertisements contains an engraving with the caption Hieronymus Wierx fecit et excudebat. The engraving has been pasted in and faces the title-page. Wierx (ca. 1553-1619), a well-known engraver of the Antwerp school whose pictures profusely illustrated the pages of the devotional books of the time, was very popular about 1580. This again provides a link with the Continent.

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were resumed from Douay on 24 August 1582 and as from that date all accounts were in the name of the widow, Alice Fowler, until 13 July 1601, when they were closed in the presence of her daughter, who together with her husband can also be shown to have stayed in Antwerp in September 1601. For the settlement of the bills Alice Fowler relied on the good offices of her daughter. The money was ‘baillé par mémoire à sa fille femme du S^r Tauler pour monstrer à sa mère (devant les cincquante florins assignés de payer à Martinus de Zoet) laquelle a respondu depuis d'accorder du tout, excepté une partie de 22 fl. 2 patars dont elle désiroit la spécification’ (Archives 111, p. 123). On 19 January 1602 business was stopped altogether, both the priest Thomas Nelson and Alice Fowler's townsman, the well-known printer Balthazar Bellère, paying the 650 florins that were owed to Jan Moretus, Plantin's successor and son-in-law (Arch. 111, p. 162). This liquidation was of course occasioned by the fact that Alice Fowler felt her end drawing near. Of her correspondence one short letter has survived in the Plantin archives. It is signed in what looks like her own hand, but the text is in a rather awkward sounding Flemish which could hardly have been of her own devising⁵⁰. The letter itself is not interesting, except that it establishes beyond doubt that Richard Hopkins spent the end of his life in Antwerp, and not in Paris as is generally accepted. In the pages headed ‘la veufve de feu Jan Foulerus’ in the Plantin records there are names of many English persons who in some way or other were instrumental in delivering books and making payments. Of these names those of the printer's relatives are obviously the most interesting because they help us to shed light on their precise relationship to him which has sometimes been a source of puzzlement to English students of the period.

Thus the John Fowler referred to in the correspondence of the informer William Udall, who was active between 1605 and 1612, was not the son of the well-known printer and publisher, but his

50 Arch. 117, p. 377: Eerwerdighen heere
Mine heere Richard Hopkins ick bed u.e. te betaelen twee hundert gylders aen Sier Morentourfe boekevercoeper wonnende in Camerstraet op gesicht van deesen briefe geschrijven den. 14. Aprilll 1593.
Alice Fouler

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nephew⁵¹. In Archives 111, p. 61 there is an entry under the year 1605 which records that ‘Jan Foulere nepheu de la vefve Fouleri à Douay’ was in Jan Moretus's debt for a considerable sum. But there is yet a further interesting piece of information which the archives reveal. We have just learnt that Alice Fowler's daughter was the wife of a man whom the records call Tauler (‘sa fille femme du S^r Tauler’), which, as will be confirmed by other evidence, is no doubt a scribe's rendering of Taylor. When it came to settling up the accounts of Alice Fowler it was her daughter and son-in-law who played an important part for on 11 December 1600 there is an entry to the effect of Robert Taylor's paying 30 florins (‘à di 11 xbris receu par le S^r Robert Tauler’, see Arch. 111, p. 123). It is interesting to find that in this very year 1600, Dr Robert Taylor was sent to a conference in Boulogne by the papal nuncio in Brussels, Ottavio Frangipani. This conference, which took place from the end of May to the beginning of August 1600, was designed to prepare peace negotiations between the Archduke Albert and Philip II on the one hand and Queen Elizabeth on the other, Spain and England having sent their commissioners⁵². A few years later Taylor became secretary to the Spanish ambassador in London, Don Pedro de Zuñiga, who had succeeded the Count of Villa Mediana during the summer of 1605. Albert Loomie, S.J., in a recent article⁵³, has pointed out that Robert Taylor died in the autumn of 1609 and that one of Don Pedro de Zuñiga's final decisions, before Zuñiga's departure for the Spanish court, ‘was to move Francis Fowler into his brother-in-law's position in the staff of the embassy’. There is no doubt that this Francis Fowler, whom Loomie calls the Second, was the Francis Fowler who was baptised in Antwerp on 25 January 1576, and was thus a son of John Fowler, our subject (that is to say John Fowler I). The discovery of the baptismal entry (see footnote 41) of Francis Fowler II establishes the link with the family of the

51 See P.R. Harris, ‘The Reports of William Udall, Informer, 1605-1612’, Recusant History, VIII (1965-6), 192-249 and 252-297, esp. p. 220. It seems likely, therefore, that this later John Fowler was the son of Francis, the brother of the Louvain and Antwerp printer.

52 See A.J. Loomie, S.J., The Spanish Elizabethans (New York, 1963), p. 166.

53 A.J. Loomie, S.J., ‘Francis Fowler II, English Secretary of the Spanish Embassy, 1609-1619’, Recusant History XII (1973), 70-78.

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great printer and it further enables us to suggest a few minor corrections in the genealogical table Loomie made of the Fowler family. Francis II's sister was Mary Fowler, who married Robert Taylor, secretary of English letters in London at the Spanish embassy from 1603 to 1609. But John Fowler II (‘nepheu de la vefve Fouleri à Douay’) was not a brother of Francis II and Mary, but perhaps a descendant of Francis Fowler I. Francis I, whose birth Loomie tentatively puts in 1540, was assistant to Joseph Creswell at the Spanish court from 1594 to about 1610.

In the memorials of affairs of state generally known as Winwood's Memorials there are several letters by Sir Charles Cornwallis, the English ambassador in Madrid, and in these letters there are several passages bearing on Robert Taylor and a certain Fowler, who, it has now become clear was Francis Fowler I, brother of the printer John. In a highly significant passage Cornwallis complained bitterly to the Earl of Salisbury about the intrigues of the Jesuits to which, so Cornwallis held, Pedro de Zuñiga and Taylor had become a party. On 10/20 January 1608 Cornwallis wrote to Salisbury as follows:

Having set a Marke upon the late running Dispatches sent hither by the Spanish Ambassador, first by one Fowler that serves him there in his Howse, within few Daies after by Ryvers, and within two or three Weekes next ensueing by a third that came by way of the Low Countries, and now lately and lastlye by Ryvers himself, who (considering the hard time of the Year and the shortness of these Dayes) came hether in an admirable short time; and withall knowing ccrtainlye that the Ambassador (as by other my late Letters I have advertised) is wholly guyded and governed by the lurcking Jesuites there and their Resident Creswel here, and also that Fowler and Rivers carryed order for 50000 Duckets to be instantly delivered to the Hands of the Ambassador, I have imployed all my Laboures and Meanes to understand the Occasion⁵⁴.

A later passage in the same letter runs: ‘The Doctor that is the Ambassador's Agent there holds Correspondencye with one Fowler, the confidentest Minister of Creswell; and whatever he

54 R. Winwood, Memorials of Affairs of State in the Reigns of Q. Elizabeth and K. James I (London, 1725), II, 368.

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pretendeth there, doth (as here I am informed) very bad and dangerous Offices.’ When it is borne in mind that the seventeenth century Douay bookseller John Fowler II - the nephew of our subject - and his wife were well-known as dealers in Catholic books and that they were related to Dr Robert Taylor through the latter's wife, it is clear that the Fowlers were au courant with Spanish intrigue, the intimacy of Francis I with the notorious Jesuit Joseph Creswell further showing that the Fowlers took a very active part in furthering the religious policy of the Spanish Habsburgs, both in the field of diplomacy and in the dissemination of Catholic devotional literature in England. Joseph Creswell (1556-1623) was a prominent Jesuit who administered the finances of English Catholic Colleges in Spain at the end of the sixteenth century. After taking part in the administration of the English colleges of Douay and St. Omers Creswell retired to Ghent where he died in January 1623⁵⁵. The family history of the Fowlers offers a striking illustration of the fact that those Catholics who emigrated from England were men whose social status had given them access to a sound education, which enabled them in their adoptive country to offer their services both to the nobility who held high government office and, of course, to the higher clergy.

55 See A.J. Loomie, The Spanish Elizabethans, pp. 194, 221, 229.