Bijdragen en Mededeelingen van het Historisch Genootschap. Deel 45

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Nota van Sir Francis Nethersole over de partijstrijd in de Republiek en Engeland's houding daartegenover (1625),
Medegedeeld door Dr. P. Geyl.

Het volgend stuk kwam ik toevallig tegen in bundel 158 van de Foreign State Papers, Holland, op het Public Record Office in Londen, waar het tusschen stukken van het jaar 1644 verdwaald lag, en bovendien de verschillende bladen in de war waren geraakt en verkeerd gebonden. Een moderne aanteekening achterop stelt de datum van het stuk in December 1625. In bundel 130 zoekende onder de stukken uit die tijd vond ik daar inderdaad een ander afschrift, eveneens ongedateerd en ongeteekend, maar ditmaal met een zeventiende-eeuwsche aanteekening achterop: ‘Sir Fr. Nethersole's essay or consulta of ye then state of Holland’. Dat de tijd van vervaardiging de laatste maanden van 1625 moet zijn, blijkt bij aandachtige lezing duidelijk genoeg. Of het juist December 1625 is, kan ik niet uitmaken; slechts dat het na 21 October 1625 zijn moet, volgt uit de plaats (blz. 65) waar de schrijver vermeldt dat de Fransche gezant d'Espesse ‘onlangs’ Sommelsdijk persona grata heeft verklaard, immers dat geschiedde op die dag¹⁾.

1) Arend's Alg. Gesch. van Nederland, III, IV, blz. 109. - Aan de plaats op het einde, waar Sir Robert Killigrew genoemd wordt als de nieuwe Engelsche gezant in Den Haag, heeft men weinig houvast. 't Is wel waar, dat Sir Dudley Carleton zijn post pas in December verliet, maar de ingewijden zullen al wel lang tevoren geweten hebben, dat hij vervangen zou worden. Sir R. Killigrew is zijn opvolger niet geworden, maar verscheiden personen werden bij zijn heengaan, dat ten slotte niet voorgoed is geweest, met de opvolging gedoodverfd. (Vgl. a.w. blz. 204).

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Sir Francis Nethersole's auteurschap heb ik ten overvloede nog kunnen bevestigen door een vergelijking met authentieke brieven van diens hand (onder de Foreign State Papers op het Record Office, German States - geschreven uit Praag). Daaruit is mij gebleken, dat hij het document in bundel 158 eigenhandig geschreven heeft. Ik heb evenwel geen bewijs kunnen vinden, dat hij omstreeks deze tijd in Den Haag vertoefd heeft (waar het stuk volgens meer dan ééne uiting die het bevat, geschreven moet zijn). Op zichzelf onwaarschijnlijk is dat overigens volstrekt niet. Sir Francis Nethersole stond in intieme betrekking tot het hof van de Winterkoningen en de weg naar Den Haag was hem dus niet onbekend. Hij was zijn diplomatieke loopbaan in de Palts begonnen, waar hij als secretaris van Jacobus I's gezant in 1619 was heengegaan¹⁾. In hetzelfde jaar nog was hij geridderd, benoemd tot Engelsch agent bij de vorsten van de Protestantsche bond, en tot secretaris van de keurvorstin-koningin, Jacobus' dochter. Zijn positie hield het midden tusschen gezant van Jacobus en dienaar van de Winterkoningen. In 1621 en 1622 was hij naar Engeland gezonden om op hulp voor die laatsten aan te dringen. Van 1623 woonde hij weer in Engeland om hun belangen te beter te kunnen behartigen en correspondeerde druk met Elisabeth. Hij was lid van het Parlement van 1624, en opnieuw van Karel I's eerste Parlement in 1625.

Aan wie het stuk gericht is, kan ik niet met zekerheid zeggen. Aangezien het onder de Foreign State Papers berust, houd ik het voor het waarschijnlijkst, dat ‘Your Lordship’ Lord Conway is (voorheen Sir Edward Conway, juist begin 1625 baron geworden), ‘one of His Majesty's principal Secretaries of State’. Buckingham zou natuurlijk

1) Zie voor dit en het volgende: Dictionary of National Biography.

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‘Your Grace’ genoemd worden. Een belangrijke aanwijzing zit verscholen in de plaats waar de schrijver er zijn adressant aan herinnert, dat hem, toen hij in Holland was, een verzoek ten gunste van Aerssen is gedaan in diens hoogloopende twist met de Fransche regeering¹⁾. Ik heb dat evenwel niet terecht kunnen brengen. Wel is Conway inderdaad in ons land geweest: hij was gedurende een aantal jaren luitenant-goeverneur van Den Briel, tot 1616, toen de pandsteden werden uitgeleverd, toe.

De nota lijkt mij belangrijk om de openhartigheid, waarmee de schrijver zich uitspreekt over de bedoelingen van de Engelsche politiek met haar inmenging in de Nederlandsche partijtwisten, en niet minder om zijn oordeel over de drijfveeren, die de hoofdpersonen in ons eigen land bewogen. Er kan niet krasser gezegd worden, dat het niet de godsdienst was, die Prins Maurits tot zijn ingrijpen deed besluiten. Nethersole, zelf ijverig Protestant, kan niet als een vijandig getuige worden gewraakt, noch als een niet tot oordeel bevoegde worden afgewezen. Hij gaf vermoedelijk de opinie weer, die aan het Paltsisch-Boheemsche hof heerschte en daar kon men Maurits kennen en had geen enkele reden om hem slechtgezind te zijn, integendeel.

Of Nethersole's beschouwingen eenige invloed hebben geoefend op de houding van de Engelsche regeering tegenover de Nederlandsche partijen, durf ik niet zeggen, te minder, omdat het niet zeker lijkt, of zij werkelijk pas in December zijn neergeschreven. 21 November hadden de hertog van Buckingham, de almachtige leider der Engelsche politiek, en de graaf van Holland, op een bizondere zending in ons land, audientie ter Staten-Generaal gehad en bij die gelegenheid hadden zij er op aangedrongen, dat men in waakzaamheid tegenover de gevaren op godsdienstig gebied niet zou verslappen. Er schijnt daarmee al een keus gedaan tusschen de ver-

1) In October 1613 had de Fransche gezant Du Maurier ronduit aan de Staten-Generaal doen weten, dat zijn regeering Aerssen niet als gezant terug wilde hebben.

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schillende gedragslijnen die Nethersole aanduidt, al behoeft men daarom de hernieuwde strengheid tegen de Remonstranten, waarover omstreeks diezelfde tijd geklaagd wordt, nog niet aan die Engelsche vermaning toe te schrijvenM¹⁾. Men kan ook aannemen, dat Nethersole met zijn geschrift juist tegen de koers door Buckingham ingezet heeft willen waarschuwen, want hoezeer hij de zaak ook van alle kanten wil bekijken, de strekking van zijn betoog is klaarblijkelijk om een verzoening met de Arminianen aan te bevelen.

P.G.

Not to inquire how it came to passe, it is certaine and notorious, that in the time of the late faction in this State, which sprung from other groundes although matter of Religion, in which it first appeared visibly to the world, was made the colour thereof, the French King took part with the Remonstrants, and King James, our late soveraigne of happy memory, with the Contra-Remonstrants, their Ambassadors having passed publique offers as well as used privat endeavors in no lesse opposition the one to the other than there was between the then Prince of Orange and Mons.^r Barnevelt. It is also notoriously knowne that the party of the Contra-Remonstrants having prevayled more by the authority of our King than of the Prince of Orange, his Ex^ly served himselfe also of the English soldiers chiefely in removing those from the government in divers townes which had beene the principall abbettors of the contrary party, having beene for the most part men of eminent abilityes as well of nature, as of fortune. Hereupon it cannot be doubted but that, as they who were displaced, and the rest of that faction who had beene more wary in declaring

1) Dat doet Dr. Brill in Arend, a.w., blz. 115 vlgg. Uit de Brieven van Wtenbogaert (W.H.G.), II², p. 328, blijkt, dat de teekenen van de hervatting der vervolging al vóór Buckingham's komst werden waargenomen.

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themselves, were alienated in their affection from England, so they who either got or held their places in this State by the favour of England, were obliged to wishe and procure an entire and strict amity betweene this State and England, if not out of gratitude, yet out of feare of their owne state, if these countreyes, which cannot stand alone, should come to rest their right hand on France. It hath therefore hitherto beene good policy for England to endeavour to keepe all of that faction downe whom it helped to overthrew. But whether it will be so still, or no, is growne a probleme in respect of the change of late happened in two principall circumstances.

The one is the change of the governor of those provinces, the present Prince of Orange, who held himselfe at the best but neutrall in that quarrell, even when his brother was so deepely engaged in it, continuing now also in a disposition to make no difference betweene Trojan and Tyrian, whereof he hath already given many proofes. For if he cannot be brought to follow his brother's steppes in this busines, it is worth considering whether the King, our Master, may not be out of his way in following his father's, it being generally better for a man not to oppose that which he cannot hinder, and in this particular there being cause to doubt that, if such of that faction as may come agayne into government thorough his Ex.^ly's indifferency shall conceyve that it is against the will of the King of England, that conceit may make them endeavor both to preferre France before England in all occasions in which they may come into comparison, and to lessen the dependance of this State upon England, as Mons.^r Barnevelt is accused to have done, it being hard for the wisest men without the great grace of God to keepe themselves from being swayed by their privat passions in publique affaires. On the other side it may be sayd that, if the King shall insist with this Prince of Orange, and where els it may be fit, to hold the same hard hand against those of the Arminian faction which his late brother did, though his M.^ty shall not obtayne that, yet it may make his Ex.^ly so sparing and circumspect in giving way to ye readmission of any of

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that faction into the government, that there may grow no inconvenience thereby. Whereas on the contrary if his Ma.^ty shall show him self careles in suppressing them, they of that livery may come in so fast agayne and beare themselves so boldly that, with the addition of time servers and desirors of innovation falling into them, they may shorty begin to strive agayne for mastery with those that evicted them, the dangerous consequences of which case not onely to this State in it selfe, but in relation to England also, I neede not to deduce, for they are obvious to him that hath but halfe an eye.

The other circumstance is a manifest change in ye counsells of France since the late great change of their Ministers of State at home and abroade¹⁾. For since that time that King his Ministers of State at home, and his Ambassador Mons.^r d'Espesse, resident here, have beene observed as to use great and sedulous endeavors to interesse their Master in this State, and to make his friendship appear more usefull to it than that of England, so likewise to that end to have descended to countenance and courte some of those men in this State who were the principall sticklers against France in the Arminian busines. Such were Mons.^r Duvenvord²⁾ and Mons.^r Nordwicke³⁾, of late honoured with the order of St. Michael, sent to them. But the most notable example is that of Mons.^r Aersens, against whom France in those times declared so great a measure of ill will that he was glad to seeke for shelter from England - - as your Lordship I am sure remembreth, who at your being in those coun-

1) In 1624 was Richelieu de leidende geest van de Fransche regeering geworden.

2) Johan van Wassenaar van Duivenvoorde liet zich in 1617 nog door de Arminiaansche meerderheid van de Staten van Holland met De Groot naar Zeeland afvaardigen, maar in 1619 kwam hij met Adriaen Pauw in het curatorium van de Leidsche Universiteit om die van Arminianen te zuiveren: Wagenaar, X, blz. 166; 388.

3) Nicolaas van Boekhorst van Noordwijk werd in 1624 met Adriaan Pauw en een Gelderschman tot een gezantschap naar Frankrijk benoemd; a.w., blz. 495.

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treyes were intreated to passe an office in his favour to that purpose¹⁾ - - and against whom the late French Ambassador, Mons.^r Maurier, stoode in such defiance since that time that he hath avoyded comming to a publique ceremony because he would not come into the same roome with him. And yet Mons.^r d'Espesse was no sooner arrived here but that he receyved and returned the visites of the sayd Mons.^r Aersens, and of late the States being inclined to make choyce of him to go into France, but having some scruple whether he would be wellcome thither, or no, sending a formall message to Mons.^r d'Espesse to be cleared herein, were by him assured that he would be well looked on in France, and so we heare he is, and more too. Now that this is done by France not simply to regayne an active man to their friendship whom their enmity could not destroy, but with a further reach²⁾ to show in him and others that France is willing to forget all that is past, and henceforward to make as much account of Guelphes as Gibelines, being as much their friends, I suppose your Lordship will conceyve as I do there upon, there ariseth the consideration whether it be behoofefull for the King of England to change his garde as the King of France hath done his, or to lye at that still at which he got the better heretofore. For on the one side it may be sayd that, if the Arminian party, recovering strength, shall continue to be wholly French by the King of England his declaring himselfe to be their ennemy, as his father was; and the party of the Contraremonstrants shall not continew to be wholly English thorough the King of France his declaring himselfe to be no longer an enemy to them, as he was, it may be feared that France may soone grow to be more than a matche for England in any rencontre, they may chance to have in this State. On the other side it may be sayd that, as wrong, whether true or conceyved, doth naturally make a deeper impression in

1) Ik weet niet, waarop hier gedoeld wordt. Vgl. inleiding.

2) Oogmerk, bedoeling; (verouderd).

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the mindes of men then right, or favour, though his Ma.^ty shall hold a gentle or fayre hand toward the Arminians, he shall not thereby obliterate the memory and feare which they have of that hard one held against them by his father in their imagination, and so not make them lesse his enemyes: and yet by so doing he may give the Contraremonstrants occasion to think that their obligations to England are cancelled thereby, and so not onely make them lesse his friendes, but it may be also make them strive with the Arminians, who shall show themselves greater friends to France so to recover that King whom they have offended, and thereby secure themselves against the recharge of their adverse party.

And now to answer the objections, which may be made to this discourse. If it shall be sayd, that there is no feare that France should come to have more power than England in this State at this time when the King of England is entered into so strict a league with it¹⁾, I answer that in that very respect I thinke this danger most to be feared. For either the King of France will enter into the same league, or he will not. If he will, then, as in the former league he made with those countreyes neere two yeares since, when he found England enclined to give some assistance to them, he resolved to give a greater, and in a more agreable manner, so is it now to be beleived that he will do the like, thereby to hold the affections if this people, who, having none but for their proffit, must needes have them in proportion to the rate thereof. If he will not enter into this league, then I leave wise men to judge whether, when England shall be so farre engaged in a warre with Spayne that it cannot readily come out, France may not come to compounde their differences with Spayne with advantage upon condition of mediating a truce with these countreyes, unto which this Prince of Orange being in his

1) Het verbond was eind September gesloten. Frankrijk werd uitgenoodigd toe te treden.

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nature inclinable and the common people growne to be very desirous thereof thorough the excessive burden of the warre. If France shall also gayne a greater party in the optimacy to favour this dessein by the meanes above-mentioned, then England shall have to oppose it. I would know what there is to hinder it.

For I am sure no man will alleage conscience nor religion who hath any knowledge of this State. In which argument of probability I have not supposed any jarre between England and France, because I hope there shall be none, notwithstanding all the show there is of it. But if that should happen also, which God forbid, there will not want this or other occasions to try whether England or France have more power in this State. Secondly, it may be sayd that this busines concerning the Arminians is already res judicata in the synode of Dort, and so no more matter of deliberation, it being certainely a wicked, and thereforo an unwise and hurtfull, thing to make any question whether we should be constant in the maintenance of truth in matters of Religion for any worldly respect whatsoever. To this I will not answere, as an Arminian would, that the Church of England is no way bounde by the Synode of Dort, having not as yet fully declared any opinion in the poynts determined there, because I have not sufficiently examined the truth hereof. But this I will say, and make good, that the poyntes then in controversy are neither in themselves of such necessity to salvation, neither was there then by accident any such necessity of determining them one way or other but that they who were of one opinion might well have borne with those that were of the other, and both forborne to have preached their opinions to the people, according to the wholesome counsell which was first given by the King our then soveraigne. And as that counsell might, so it would, have been followed, had not the faction in the State made a schisme in the Church, one party laying hold of this occasion to thrust the other out of the government. For who doth not know that the late Prince of Orange had that jealousy of Mons.^r Barnevelt and his party that for that reason and

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not for conscience he joyned himselfe to the party of the Contraremonstrants; that, having done so, he procured the assembling of that Synode in their favour; and that then, being countenanced by the determination thereof, did that to his adverse party which they would have done to him and his, as he apprehended at least. And as then the Contraremonstrants made this use of the advantage they had of having that Prince of Orange on their side, so is it now to be feared that the Remonstrants may take the advantage of this Prince of Orange his indifferncy to set those disputes of Religion on foot agayne, and by degrees endeavor to do as hath beene done to them, not for love of truth, but for love of revenge, of money, and of rule. And how this, which is a matter of State, and not of Religion, may beste be prevented, is that onely which I propounde to deliberation, not presuming to direct how to steere betweene those rockes on either hand I have poynted at, which doth not belong to me, being but a passenger in the ship.

I shalle onely adde further two wishes. The first is that the danger may not be slighted. For as it hath beene often seene that great fires, thought to have beene quite extinguished, have yet thorough negligence broken out agayne in greater violence, so it may, and I pray God it do not, fall out in this State. Which is a danger the more to be feared, because it hath appeared in the last two Parliaments that some sprakles of the last fire in this house of our neighbours have fallen into our owne, and there lighted on matter apt enough to take fire.

The second is, that the meanes to avoyd this danger may not be lightly thought on. For not to insist on that common place, how usefull it is for Princes at their entrance into their reignes to advise seriously and maturely upon what pointe of the compasse they will lay their Estates, and then to hold on a steddy course so farre as the change of affayres will permitt, that which is generally profitable is the more necessary for his Ma.^ty in this particular, because the King his father, by changing his counsells in this very busines, lost more of his authority and reputation than it maybe he ever did in any

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other. And as this time is proper for the deliberation in that respect, so it is also in this that, whether his Ma.^ty shall resolve to follow his father's tracke in this busines, or to tread a new pathe, it is fit Sir Robert Killigrew¹⁾ should come thoroughly instructed what language to hold. For there will be the more hold layd on whatsoever may be delivered by him, or but fall from him, because he is a person as yet uninteristed.

God, onely wise, in whose hearts are the hearts of Kings, direct his Ma.^ty in this, and all other the difficult counsells he hath to take.

Public Record Office, Londen. Foreign State Papers, Holland. Bundel 158.

1) Zie inleiding.