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The Modern Devotion (1968)

The Modern Devotion

(1968)–R.R. Post–rechtenstatus Auteursrechtelijk beschermd

Confrontation with Reformation and Humanism


Vorige Volgende

Gerard Zerbolt of Zutphen

Van Woerkum examines the somewhat vague assertion made by Rudolf Dier that Gerard Zerbolt of Zutphen - it is said - found inspiration or material for his two works in the texts of Florens' Libellus. These works are De Spiritualibus ascensionibus and De reformatione virium animae.6 He examines the De reformatione since this is Zerbolt's earliest work and concludes that the similarity lies not in the construction but in the texts employed. Zerbolt, however, expanded the material, and sometimes referred back to the original work. The remarkable thing is that Florens also has a particular text which derives from Zerbolt's De reformatione virium animae. Unless this work was attributed to Florens by later copyists it is difficult to explain. In this connection I should like to recall the medieval method of publication. Even after a book had been released for copying, that is, for publication, the authors still retained the original manuscript. Florens thus may have had access to an earlier stage of Zerbolt's works. Both writers lived

in the same house - and were perhaps working on these books at the same time. The authors may have consulted one another and lent each other the manuscripts without their being what we should consider ready for the printer.

Gerard Zerbolt of Zutphen was the most fertile and the most successful writer the Brothers ever produced, although he had no academic training and only lived to be 31. He was born in Zutphen in 1367 and after starting school in his native town, continued his education in Deventer.1 He was one of the first Brothers in Florens' vicarage and must thus have entered at about 17. It is not known when he was ordained, but the fact that Rudolf Dier calls him Dominus2 shows that he did become a priest. He assisted Florens, the rector, in difficult matters, notably in the defence of the Brothers, and fled with him in 1398 from Deventer to Amersfoort. He died in Windesheim in 1398 on a return journey from Dikninge. He wrote two pious treatises: De reformatione virium animae, qui incipit, Homo quidam descendit, and De spiritualibus ascensionibus, qui incipit: Beatus vir. Since the 16th century other works have been attributed to him, including Super modo vivendi devotorum simul commorantium, which we have already mentioned, De libris teutonicalibus et de precibus vernaculis; Tractatus de vestibus pretiosis and In quendam inordinate grados ecclesiasticos et praedicationis officium affectantem cuius incepit: consulet quidem clericus. Zerbolt's authorship of these last four works has repeatedly been contested by some and defended by others. Gerald's biographer, J. van Rooy, has brought forward various arguments in his favour, so that I also consider him to be the author of the above-mentioned works, while understanding that not everyone will be convinced. However this may be, no doubt can possibly exist concerning Gerard's authorship of the two great and pious works. Both had a wide circulation. Van Rooy describes 32 manuscripts of the first and in addition 24 editions with the complete text. There were also translations. Both were widely read and influenced later spiritual writers. It is even said that they indirectly influenced Ignatius Loyola.

As we have already observed, Florens' two works provided Gerard

with both the matter and the inspiration to write. Both are dependent on David van Augsburg and have recourse to the works of their predecessors for special points which will be discussed later in more detail (for meditation they are principally indebted to Bernard and Bonaventure, see p. 328). In essentials the contents accord with the two treatises of Florens; description of the way to attain purity of soul and the practice of virtue, and notably the love of God. This theme can be handled in very different ways. The first-mentioned book of Gerard Zerbolt proceeds from the decay or decline of the powers of the soul and notably of the intellect, the imagination and the will. These powers of the soul, which lost energy and proper direction through the Fall, must be restored. This can be done by self-knowledge repentance, combat of sin, mortification, the practice of humility and obedience, through prayer, spiritual reading and meditation. By such considerations the devout person can start from a certain niveau and ascend to a higher, whence he can climb higher still. Here we come to the subject of Zerbolt's second book, De spiritualibus ascensionibus (Of the spiritual ascents). By repentance to God, by contribution and confession, man can ascend from a state of sin to a state of grace. He can then proceed to combat and conquer sinful inclinations, to keep the commandments and to perform good works. In contrition itself three niveaus can be distinguished from whence it is possible to ascend; sorrow for fear of punishment, sorrow which springs from a desire for heaven and sorrow arising from a desire for union with God. The writer is very ingenious in inventing such ascents from one plane to another. It was evidently a very attractive allegory, as were the scalae or steps. The highest step attainable here on earth is the contemplatio; the mystical contemplation of God, still, naturally, in a glass darkly and not face to face. Gerard Zerbolt knows of this contemplation and gives the ways which may lead to it, such as spiritual reading and meditation via purification. He does not, however, like Ruusbroec, describe the state of contemplation. In so far one can say that these Devotionalists came no further than indicating the ascesis, than describing the purifying and light-giving way which is love. In the end, the struggle against sin and sinful inclinations, the pointing out and avoidance of dangers, acquired a greater place and more emphasis that the practice of the virtues, with the possible exception of humility, obedience and love. Finally, a large part of the book De spiritualibus ascensionibus consists of material for meditation, derived from the four last things, death, judgment, hell or heaven and the life, and especially the passion, of Christ.

The description of this meditation material, whereby some have also noted a particular method and time, has led to the idea that the Modern Devotionalists introduced methodical meditation into the spiritual life. It is supposed not to have existed before them, whereas it later became, among the Jesuits, one of the most powerful methods of fostering, heightening and maintaining an extremely devout and effective spiritual life.1 One cannot deny that the later writers, John Mombaer and Wessel Gansfort, drew up a comprehensive and complicated method of meditating and keeping thoughts in check. L.A.M. Goossens O.F.M., has shown, however, that this cannot be said of the first Devotionalists, of those whom we are discussing in this first period of the Devotio Moderna.2 He has pointed out that the subject of meditation occurs frequently in the writings of Geert Groote, Florens Radewijns, Gerard Zerbolt and certain anonymous works or letters. The first Devotionalists view meditation as an important means of attaining a pure life, fostering virtue and especially of keeping alive the good intention of directing their prayers, works and exercises to God. They were aware of the association of spiritual reading (called study), meditation, prayer and contemplation, but their ideas on this subject were entirely traditional.3 What they mean by the word meditation, ‘rumination,’ is distinct from spiritual reading. ‘The concept of the Modern Devotionalists is similar to that of their favourite authors: William of St. Thierry, Bernard, the speculum monachorum, Bonaventura, David of Augsburg and other valued, pious writers.’4 Meditation is distinguished from prayer, but not separate from it, insofar as a good prayer cannot be achieved without meditation, without reflection.5 This too is entirely traditional and can be found in Hugo of St. Victor. The above-mentioned writers, the fathers of the Modern Devotionalists, also called this examination of conscience meditation, as did their predecessors.6 The Devotionalist furthermore

must every day persevere in constant meditation. John of Kessel, the cook of the Master Florens' house, shows us how this was understood, in what he tells us of his daily task, his programme for the day and meditation.1 The Brothers must constantly entertain higher thoughts and at each succeeding duty of the day they must call these to mind, to inspire them to perform the next task, in the first hour or half hour that follows, with this particular higher intention. Just as the evening is particularly suitable for examination of conscience, the morning is the most indicated for determining that day's intention. But this is not meditation in the modern sense: ‘The constitution of the Brothers does not expressly mention morning meditation as a separate exercise.’2 On the contrary the letter on the life and passion of the Lord desires that a short prayer should be said directly on rising. Busch takes this to mean that the Brothers on rising, should reflect on the first point.3 This morning meditation is not an exercise of longer duration, as Goossens deduces from various data,4 and as has previously been indicated. This is confirmed by a book published under the title Consuetudines fratrum vitae communis5 which gives a detailed account of how a frater spends his day. There is indeed mention of constant or frequently repeated reflection, but not of a meditation of any duration in the morning. One may agree with Goossens that ‘a slight reservation must be made for the meditative hearing of Mass, insofar as this constitutes a longer meditation. By its very nature, however, and by the tradition with which the Modern Devotionalists are associated, this meditative hearing of Mass cannot automatically be considered as an exercise in meditation.’6

Under the title of modus and formula Gerard Zerbolt does in fact give all kinds of examples of meditation (reflection on sin, on death, on the bounty of God and especially on the life of Christ). This however, is only material for meditation, on the basis of which one cannot speak of methodical meditation.7 Whatever system it did possess is certainly not new. It is to some extent inherent in the very nature of the thing and is already found in Bernard.8 The intention in speaking of sin,

and the life and passion of Christ, is to provide a stimulus for pious thoughts and not a method for a long exercise in meditation.

Nevertheless, these oft repeated short reflections, this ruminating on the eternal verities which define the Christian life, created an intensive piety among the Brothers. This devotion, while retaining the outward forms of religion (hours, Mass, kneeling, rising, bowing) has yet an intensive inward life. For everything undertaken, Matins, Prime, Holy Mass, Vespers, morning and evening prayer, even eating and working, is always performed in the light of sin and redemption, purification, love of Christ, of God and of one's neighbour. The reports in the Vitae and the resolutions mentioned show that this goal was pursued with the utmost seriousness, so much so that it became almost intolerable for human flesh and blood, and only the strongest were able to persevere. The death rate among the young Brothers was high, not only on account of their abstemiousness, but also because the tension was too great. This attitude, however, was a fortunate stimulus for the religious life of the day. This inner life among the Brothers did not lead to extravagant behaviour and morbid acts, that is if one excepts the matter of dress and humiliation by a blow in the face. And yet it is possible to detect a proselytism which denies all family relationships, an inner conceit, contemptuous of all that was not theirs and especially of the worldly man.1

 

John Brinckerinck, the pupil and faithful travelling companion of Geert Groote, rector of the Master Geert's house, founder and first spiritual director of the convent of Diepenveen, left no other writings than eight collations spoken by him and noted down by the Sisters.2 These are simple addresses to the Sisters in which he reminds them of the obligations of their state. He touches upon the receiving of Holy Communion, whereby the reception must be accompanied by great fervour, a pure soul, with faith and love. He also mentions ‘spiritual communion.’ ‘Try to do all that Our Lord wishes us to do.’ The foremost duty is the love of God and of Christ, but just as there is no suggestion of higher mysticism with the first, the second lacks any incitement to union with the Bridegroom by the way of mysticism.3 Then follows love of one's neighbour, which in this case refers chiefly

to the Sisters. It finds expression in the effort to promote the spiritual good of the Sisters, to help the sick and needy and to display charity towards those they have reprimanded. Also emphasized are obedience to the superior (this sometimes in very strong terms), patience towards fellow Sisters, and humility. He is thus more concerned in fostering virtue than in combating the corresponding sin which is by no means absent. He strongly warned against pride. Religious sensitivity was strongly developed among the Sisters. Several of them were repeatedly moved to tears at Holy Communion or when considering the Passion.1 They so earnestly desired to receive the Lord that they could not sleep for nights beforehand. Visions also occurred, but these were not frequent.2

The Sisters too achieved some ascetic writings. The most important is undoubtedly the work already mentioned: Hier beginnen sommige stichtige punten van onsen oelden zusteren. This was only written in the following period, around 1480. We have already deduced from it details of the devout life of the Sisters. Their religious methods and practices were the same as among the Brothers. They took no official monastic vows but rose early and prayed the hours in the Dutch tongue. They attended Holy Mass and worked hard (besides the house and farmwork they also did spinning and weaving in order to earn a living), all this elevated and maintained on an exalted plane by pious reflections (meditation or ‘rumination’ and short prayers). The principal source of this meditation is the Holy Scripture, especially the life and passion of Christ.3 Gese Brandes can be quoted for example.4 Great emphasis was also laid on sobriety at table and to listening attentively to the Sister who was praying aloud. There is also mention here of humiliation by a blow on the cheek from the superioress.5

 

Two writers, Henry Mande and Gerlach Peters, emerged among the Windesheimers of this period. They are related to each other, were contemporaries and their writings are still read.6 Mande was a

Hollander, born around 1360 in Holland's oldest and probably at that time, still largest city of Dordrecht. He worked as a writer (secretary or calligrapher) in the court of the Counts of Holland, not very accurately named by John Busch for William VI and Margaret of Burgundy, when he heard Geert Groote preaching.1 This brought about his conversion. A few years later he made his way to Deventer where Florens and his Brothers received him with open arms, and when he had passed some time with them (or spoken to them, conversatus) he was sent to Windesheim. If the journey to Deventer took place in 1391, as is generally assumed2, this ‘stay’ can only have been of very short duration, since Florens wrote to John Vos of Heusden, prior of Windesheim (elected about the feast of the apostle Andrew, 30th November 1391) saying that he expected Arnold of Kalkar, John Broechusen and Henry Mande to receive their habits. The first two were indeed clothed on June 5th 1392. The letter must thus have been written at the end of 1391 or the beginning of 1392. Since the clothing had to be preceded by a novitiate, Hendrik Mande must already have left Deventer in the middle of 1391. His clothing took place on November 11th 1395 and he was only accepted as a ‘redditus’, not a canon, since there was some impediment for the priesthood.3 He continued to live quietly in Windesheim, glad that he was not called to any function in the monastery. He probably stayed there until Windesheim was deserted during the schism of Utrecht. In 1430 he sojourned in a monastery in Delft, together with his fellow Brother John Busch. He died in 1431 in Beverwijk.4 Henry Mande was contented in the monastic life. He occupied himself illuminating manuscripts and writing treatises in the Dutch language. John Busch has listed 14 titles in Latin5, supplemented in a later version.

Bibliographical data can be found in G. Visser.6 Of the fourteen, four titles are known in a Dutch text and can be obtained in modern print. The number of surviving manuscripts is small, less than those of the Latin works of Florens Radewijns and especially of Gerard

Zerbolt. None of them seems to have achieved a previous printing. We give the titles here:

I.Een devoet boexken, hoe dat wij uit selen doen den ouden mensche mit sinen werken, ende ons met Cristo overmits warachtighe, doechden sellen verenighen.1
II.Een devoet boecsken vanden binnensten ons lieft heren Jhesu Christi ende hoemen daer in comen mach ende wat wegke daarin leiden.2 The plan of this book coincides with Bonaventure's work: De septem itineribus aeternitatis, the last section even word for word.3
III.Een devoet boexen van der volmaecster hoecheit der minnen ende hoe men daer toe sel pinen te comen.4
IV.Van den VII gaven des heiligen geest en eerst van der gave der smakender wijsheit - survives in only one manuscript, but, apart from the curtailing of certain allegories, the book is the same as Ruusbroec's Dat boec van den gheesteleken tabernacule.5
V.Een spiegel der waarheid.6
VI.Dat boec vanden licht der waerheid.7
VII.Een boecskijn van drien staten eens bekierden mensche, daerin begrepen is ein volcomen geestelic leven.8
VIII.Ene claghe of enighe sprake des mijnnender sielen tot horen brudegom om verloest to (worden).9
IX.Een corte enighe sprake der minnender sielen mit horen gheminden.10
X.Een devoet boecskijn van der bereydinghe ende versieringhe onser inwendigher woeninghen.11
XI.Dialogus sive collocucio devote anime cum deo amato suo et
responsio eius ad animam devotam: or: Liber de vita spirituali et devota in quibus consistit et eius impedimenta.1
XII.Liber de vita contemplativa, in quibus consistit et puncta, quibus impeditur.2
XIII.Eyne openbaringhe. Liber de raptibus et collucationibus cum deo et dei secum decem habens capitula secundum decem revelationes diversis temporibus sibi factas. Probably different titles for the same work.
XIV.The Dutch text of Hendrik Mande's Apocalipsis.3

 

Henry Mande was, like Florens and Gerard Zerbolt, a most remarkable man. He entered the monastery rather late, and was often ill, roughly a quarter of the year. Once restored to health, however, he resumed his work with enthusiasm, and he is spoken of as an extremely good painter and illuminator of missals, bibles and choir books.4 A man of deep devotion and ecstatic contemplation, he could never hear Mass without tears. He shed an abundance of tears especially at Holy Communion. During his periods of illness he received the Holy Sacrament every fortnight, whenever the Brothers in the choir communicated.5 He frequently had visions, notably concerning the fate of those who had already died. He spoke of these visions to the others, and was often consulted on the subject. Not all, however, believed in his assurances. In his books he interspersed his reflections with stories or examples in which a Brother applies in practice what he has expounded theoretically. They are interesting stories, usually set in a monastic cell, but in such a way that the priest or Brother or monastic is suddenly whisked away to another, higher world, where he sees, hears and works with different faculties than in this world. When the story was ended there was a return to the ordinary world and the pater found himself once again in his cell. The simple yet out of the ordinary characters of these examples render his works clear, readable and attractive. Since they were composed in the vernacular they will have been accessible not only to the priests, who understood Latin, but also the the Brothers and Sisters. It is doubtful, however, whether lay people outside the monastery would have been

able to appreciate this literature. One cannot, in my opinion, consider these books as lay literature, simply because they were written in the vernacular. The content is clerical, even though it contains criticism of the clergy.

His works differ from those of Florens Radewijns and Gerard Zerbolt, not only in language, but also in content. In general they can be said to form part of those works of lofty mysticism which consist in the description of the ‘contemplation of God,’ the union of the soul with God. Several of the treatises, however, do not go so far, but they are a preparation for the extraordinary gift of God. This is held up as the highest goal, as the aim of the fervent devotion, even if it is not attained in this life, but only in the hereafter. No such description is found in numbers I, VI, VIII, or X (and perhaps not in XI), little in number III, but some in number II in imitation of Bonaventure, in number IV entirely in accordance with John Ruusbroec, more independently in numbers V, VII and IX and in a somewhat different meaning in number XIII, the Apocalypse. Number XII is still unknown. But apart from the very characteristic subject matter of this last group, they are unlike those of the Brothers' two contemporaries, since these lacked the ideal of achieving the extraordinary. In order to attain this end the devout must renounce many things. They must follow the way of purification. Here Henry Mande encroaches on the Brothers' domain, but his exposition of this way is not so scholastic. The point of origin is not the Fall, sin and the struggle against sin. Naturally Mande also finds it necessary to combat sin and mentions this, but always in the light of union with God. This renders his work more attractive and less oppressive, although he frequently denies that the main consideration is the sweetness and joy of a union with God. This is not even a sign of the genuine contemplative soul. He lays more stress upon virtue than on the struggle against sin. Appropriate emphasis is given to the virtues of faith, hope and especially of charity. He is most detailed and most devout in his treatment of charity. If the spiritual quality of the others can be characterized as negative, Mande is more positive - more exhilarating, encouraging and joyful. It is no wonder that he easily assimilated St. Bonaventure's exposition. The whole is more directly focussed on God. The imitation of Christ is one of the ways of attaining union with God. In indicating these ways he shows himself very fond of listing points, frequently remarking that, in order to attain this or that, four or five points must be borne in mind.

In order to give some impression of what he understands by this ‘contemplation’ of God in this life, I attempt here to translate into modern language a passage from the book called ‘a mirror,’ (No. V.): ‘God dwells in us in four ways. By your eternal light, beloved Lord, I am taught that you dwell in me in four ways, that is, with four attributes. You dwell within me, merciful Lord, with your own clarity and richness, with your union, and with your being. And when I, full of love, turn about in the simplicity of my spirit, I shall find and possess these four attributes in God. And thus shall my spirit be transformed fourfold.

In the first moment when, entire and full of love, I penetrate in the simplicity of my spirit, then I meet the immeasurable divine clarity and my mind thereby becomes so bereft of activity and so empty of all images, as if I had never seen or heard any new thing.

Secondly you dwell, Lord, in the simplicity of my spirit with unfathomable richness. For this reason, in the same introspection in which I also encountered the divine clarity, then I apprehended this richness, and in this richness my spirit is so detached and so free from all wishes and desires, as if there were nothing in heaven or earth that I needed, for I am united with your richness, which is yourself. This emptiness of my “introspective” will continue with your richness, which is a foundation in the ground of my loving power. Thereby at the same moment that I retired within your divine clarity and in your richness I apprehended the third attribute, that is the union (enynge) which you, dear Lord, have made in my spirit. By virtue of this union I have become detached, which means that I have no desire to please anyone, so that no one, drawing me to themselves, can please me. No creature may shelter or dwell in this union and thus I remain always alone with you, and free of all things.

Fourthly, dear Lord, you dwell in the simplicity of my spirit with your being (nature) and therefore, when I, through your divine clarity and richness and union, leave myself with you, conquer everything and reject every multiplicity and every distinction, then I arrive at the simple nakedness of my being and this is (in my simple vision) as a desolate pride in which no physical or spiritual image can enter ever more.’1

Such an experience or very special grace, is a very personal thing, reserved to a few chosen mystical souls. The church has no role to play in obtaining it, except perhaps to ensure that no excesses occur which she considers dangerous for the faithful. It is an extraordinary

experience which cannot be attained either through her preaching or through her channels of grace. It is a personal contact of the privileged person with God himself - insofar as this is possible in this world. Even the imitation of Christ's life and passion can only serve as a preparation for it. That a person so privileged makes no mention of the Church's intervention, of her preaching or of her sacraments, in experiencing and describing such a superhuman condition, by no means implies that he rejects the church as such, holds her in less esteem or disassociates himself from her. This is clear in Mande's case by the very fact that he attends Mass and receives fortnightly communion, even on his sickbed, both with an abundance of tears. Here, the same over-sensitive contact with Christ is revealed, as in ecstasy with God. Both are essentially the same - the fullness of joy, although the sweetness is not the real cause of the value of this especial election. Nor has one the right to require of the fortunate mystic that he should compose a detailed profession of faith and acquaint us with it. There was nothing new in this for them. Mande, like his fellow Brothers, clung to this, and who can demand that he should explain this every time after having freely revealed so many particular gifts of grace?

 

The second mystical writer of the first period of the monastery at Windesheim was Gerlach Peters, from Deventer. He is thought to have been born in 1378, and certainly died on Nov. 18th 1411 as a canon of Windesheim.1 He attended school in Deventer, then came into contact with the fraters of the Florens' house and notably with Florens himself. According to John Busch, Florens personally advised him to enter the monastery and also introduced him in Windesheim. The last possible date for this is thus 1400, the year in which Florens Radewijns died. He may already have undergone a sort of novitiate in the hospice in Deventer. This occurred most probably after 1398. Anyway, whatever the position, he was not invested as a canon until 1403.2 Busch attributes the delay to Peters's poor sight. It appears that only one eye functioned, so that he was unable to read the notes and the script of the choir books. However, his fellow brother John Scutken made him two little antiphonaria and a graduale in his free time, while the conversus Bartholomew wrote a psalterium for him.

This appears to have furnished him with sufficient material to perform his duties as a canon. He was then clothed. His remarkable piety is revealed by his absorption in prayer1 and at Mass. The latter so impressed John Brinckerinck that the memory of it provided him with spiritual sustenance for a week.2 Peters was also renowned for his love of his neighbour and for his obedience.3 He wrote two or three works: the Breviloquium and the Soliloquium and the book De libertatis spiritu which has been lost, always assuming that it ever existed. His two letters to his sister Lubbe have also been preserved.4 Although Spoelhof considers that there is ‘nothing new’ in the writings of Gerlach Peters and that ‘they did not represent an advance in the ideals, which have been described as typically those of the Brethren of the Common Life’5 he none the less also sees in Peters ‘the emphasis on inner freedom and personal independence in religious experience.’6 Personal contact with God is peculiar to the mystic, but it is doubtful whether this is the same thing as ‘personal independence in religious experience.’ While inner freedom is indeed mentioned in the soliloquium, it is not a freedom of thought but a feeling free from all passions and a victory over all self-seeking. It results from complete submission to God, from a refusal to worry about one's own illnesses, pain, setbacks or grief, since the joy of being united with God is much greater.

Of considerable importance for our knowledge of Gerlach Peters is the study by J.J. Mak, De dietsche vertaling van Gerlach Peter's soliloquium.7 Besides giving his estimable opinion of the Modern Devotionalists, he describes the history of the works of Gerlach Peters already mentioned, in manuscript and print, and the relationship between these works. He then edits the Old Dutch translation of the soliloquium. As introduction he discusses the content of this work in detail and examines the question of Peter's indebtedness to his predecessors, notably John Ruusbroec and especially the Germans Tauler and Eckhart. Gerlach Peters was acquainted with their writings and sometimes employs their terms. He shows more connection with Eckhart than

with Ruusbroec. For all these particulars I must refer the reader to the study in question. Since we are here concerned principally with the Modern Devotionalists, of whom Gerlach Peters was one of many representatives, I shall confine myself now to summarizing the characteristics of his work.

In all probability the works and the letters as we now know them are not in the form in which they were written by Peters. It is even likely that Peters never got around to compiling his Breviloquium and Soliloquium. He noted down his thoughts in his cell, elaborated them sometimes, but did not expand them into treatises. He even desired that the scripta should be burned after his death. However, on the prior's orders, canon John Scutken collected the papers and compiled both the two books and the letters from them. The texts do indeed seem to have been somewhat arbitrarily reshuffled, so that several similar passages occur in the letters and in the works. It thus sometimes comes about that passages of a purely ascetic nature and those which are purely mystical are linked together rather unfortunately. On whether everything was exactly as Mak states, I can offer no opinion. The Soliloquium gives the impression of being, not a well-reasoned book, but a random collection of ideas which have been elaborated and written down, and for which Scutken has provided his own headings. None the less, these thoughts are Gerlach Peters' own and may thus be used here to give some indication of his ideas.

The Breviloquium1 may be compared with the Proposita of Geert Groote and the quaedam notabilia verba domini Florentii; or with the Devota exercitia of Lubbert Berneri or of Amilius of Buren or John of Kessel. He does, however, go deeper than these, since they confine themselves to the ascesis whereas Gerlach Peters hopes, prays and resolves to attain ‘union’ with God. This idea occupies chiefly the first sixteen chapters, for example number 2: In all grief, in inward and outward difficulties, have constantly a safer refuge in the Father, your Lord and Bridegroom,2 and therefore respect and consider all men as the throne of the glory of the Holy Trinity, as the temple in which God dwells;3 but the search for the Lord must be of pure intent, without hoping for advantage or consolation.4 We must not

strive for heaven in order to avoid the cross; we must aspire not to joy, but to God.1 In No. 16 Gerlach proceeds to the good intentions for a regularly monastic life: Model all your outward and inner exercises on the example and the doctrine of Our Lord Jesus Christ.2 Then follows how the monastic must begin, live and end his day: Rise, pious thoughts, preparation for Matins; sleep, reject all imaginings and also all good thoughts (for it is time to sleep); do not singularize yourself when eating, act normally and remember that it is for your salvation. Then follows the reading, which must conduce to prayer and to reflection (meditation); after this the scriptura, writing, that is the work of the hands. Chapters 24 and 25 are also concerned with this activity.3 This section follows exactly the rota laid down in the consuetudines of the Deventer and Zwolle fraternities, which will have been the same for Windesheim. There is no place here either for any lengthy period of meditation in the mornings. Various resolutions follow, which I shall not enumerate here, but one remarkable feature is the bearing of pain and sickness with complete surrender to God. This is a frequent theme in the Soliloquium. But Gerlach remains an optimist, semper tranquillus et spiritualiter laetus esto.4 His opinion is also noteworthy, that incurable physical infirmities are sent by God (causa Dei, or with His approval).5 Later he has only the causa Dei.6

This is interesting, for it was in the 14th century that Bradwardine wrote a book called ‘Causa Dei’ which ascribes all spiritual and material happenings in this world directly to God. The book aroused some attention when it was published, but was also attacked from several sides. A century later Wessel Gansfort ruled out the distinctive effect of the secundae causae, and called them only occasiones, occasions in which God acted. It is improbable that Gerlach Peters should have been aware of the controversy unleashed by Bradwardine, but it was evidently a widely held opinion at the time, appropriate too to the mystical idea of union with God. United with Him, Gerlach suffered all, since he was entirely absorbed in God's will. For him as for

the Brothers, humility and patience were the source of all virtues.1

Gerlach's first letter to his sister Lubbe Peters, procuratrix in Diepenveen, has come down to us in Dutch. The greater part is based upon the Breviloquium, but it is none the less adapted to the particular situation of the Sisters. She must perform the work assigned to them, but attempt to be united with God. The love of humanity which proceeded therefrom must be displayed particularly towards her fellow Sisters, by her joy, her esteem, her magnaminity, and by always thinking the best of them.2 The second letter to Lubbe, also preserved in Dutch, shows on the other hand much similarity with Gerlach's Soliloquium.3 It contains the same mysticism, the same ‘union’ with God and the obligations and fruits which proceed from this.4

The Soliloquium was Gerlach Peters' greatest and best known work and the work which made him famous. Here I must refer again to the study of J.J. Mak who in 1936 could not only indicate the existence of 40 manuscripts, but also pointed out that the Soliloquium was used and highly esteemed by the Port Royalists in the 17th century and even enjoyed celebrity in the beginning of the 18th. I have had recourse here to Mak's Middle Dutch translation5 with its extensive analysis and linguistic introductions. In Chapter IX the Lord speaks and describes how he gave to Gerlach ‘zyn aansicht aenscouwende,’ the power to contemplate God, so that whatever is in him becomes ‘like unto God’ since, so far as is possible, he receives God's beauty and likeness. Gerlach was able to arrange his life in the power granted by God, and withstand all enemies. They could not withstand the likeness which Gerlach has received. He stands before God free and liberated from all historical memories. All confusion, doubt and fear have left him, since he is one with the spirit of God. Hence God accomplished all His works in him, so that no longer he works, but God works in him. This is because the passions no longer resist the things of God. This likeness to God has also taken over all sicknesses. God has all power over him, so that he has become a fitting instrument for God's work. God sees through Gerlach's eyes, speaks and sings through his mouth, and hears through his ear. This idea

is then finally illustrated by two texts from the Bible (Jer. 26. 12, and I Cor. 15. 28).

This activity and this grace of God was preceded by a preparation described in the first chapters of this work, although not so scholastically or so systematically as in Florens Radewijns or Gerard Zerbolt. It consisted in the fulfilment of virtue by the combating of sin, and the complete sacrifice of oneself. It is God's intention that this state should be permanent, but it may disappear as a result of man's attitude. The possessor of this gift must defend it against the attacks of his self-love. All preoccupation with self, all worry about his illness, about the taunts of his fellow Brothers and especially about the devil, cease. A couple of chapters are devoted to this, alternated with fresh new descriptions of the ‘contemplative’ situation. These, however, do not add anything to what has gone before.

This devotion, this mystical life of Henry Mande and Gerlach Peters, differs completely from that of the Brothers, who evidently shunned mysticism in this sense. It is thus difficult to accept that both writers gained their inspiration on this subject during their brief sojourn among the Brethren in Deventer. Gerlach seems to me to go further than Henry Mande. For Mande, ecsteasy is an activity unto God. With Gerlach the activity appears only on God's side. This, for the rest, does not indicate any quietism on Gerlach's part, who in these spiritual moments had still to contend with the world, the devil and the flesh.


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