because of social incapacity, in exchange for the death penalty and especially when one had been a prisoner of war. Because it was assumed that African slaves were submitted to slavery for exactly these reasons, slavery became not only accepted but was even considered as being advantageous to all parties concerned.
Slavery was also defended on religious grounds: the negroes supposedly were the descendents of Cham, damned into servitude by Noach. An additional argument was that if heathen negro slaves were to live among Christians they could be brought to embrace the true faith. The fear that one would have to release ‘brothers in the Lord’ was expelled by the onetime negro slave and theology student J.E.J. Capitein who explicitly stated the supremacy of spiritual freedom above bodily freedom with the help of Biblical references. Dit not St. Paul, the apostle, send the converted slave Onesimus who had ran away, back to his master? In reality however, the conversion zeal of Christian traders and Christian colonists was minimal. Only a few ministers ignored these arguments and expressed their disapproval of human trade and the deprivation of freedom.
In the course of the 18th century the above mentioned reasons were contested by writers who joined the ranks of French abolitionists (Montesquieu, Rousseau, Raynal) and their English counterparts (Newton, Falconbridge, Equiano). Factual information about slavery practices increased and the defendants and opponents confronted each other more vehemently.
The work of B. Frossard, translated by Betje Wolff into Dutch, gives the most complete survey of known facts, arguments for and especially against slavery. The work ends as a plea for inmediate abolition of slave trade and gradual abolition of slavery itself.
In literature up to 1750, the motif of slavery hardly played a role. A passionate anti-slavery plea is held, in the spectatorial writing: De Denker (The Thinker) (1764). The spectator publishes a letter supposedly written by an ex-negro slave who sharply denounced the traditional justification of slave trade and slavery and the attitude of colonists. The editor announces to refute the contents and uses for this purpose Montesquieu's satire on negro slavery in his Esprit des lois (Book 15, Chapter 5).
In general slave abuse is condemned in literary texts and a ‘good-mastership’ is propagated. Once in a while ‘good-mastership’ is regarded as a first step in the liberation of slaves (De Perponcher's Rhapsodiën).
The readers of Post's novel must have considered Reinhart's views on slavery and freedom as ‘enlightened’. Reinhart does not recognize any justification of slavery and regards freedom as a natural right. Slave trade and slavery are to him: kidnapping and deprivation of freedom. Therefore slaves cannot be denied the right to regain their freedom. His compassion reminds us of Frossard's.
However, when Reinhart appeals to Providence in order to justify the existence of slavery and when he draws the comparison between a carefree slave existence and the wretched existence of free European day labourers and peasants he lags far behind the ideas of Frossard and he will no doubt have disappointed the expectations of his enlightened readers.
In the eyes of many readers, Reinhart especially fails as a Christian slave master: only two of the forty slaves are christened by him. In this respect he is inferior to the master in De Perponcher's Rhapsodiën, who christens his slaves and gradually prepares them for liberation.
And yet Reinhart's good-mastership is probably considered respectable, the more so when viewed against a background of white misconduct known from literature and reality. For readers with colonial experience or involvement, Reinhart may have surpassed their expectations on this point.
The actual facts regarding the reception of the novel confirm this conjecture: Reinhart's virtuous behaviour as a planter and his ways of dealing with the negro slaves were also considered worth following by other colonists. The novel seems to plead for a decent planter's