investigation. It found that dozens of journalists and employees of media organizations had been recruited by the CIA to assist them in their dirty work. Editors of newspapers were solemnly assured by the intelligence units, that none of their journalists were either working for them or being secretly paid for their services. The CIA denied everything for years and continues to lie about it. Even, after the Senate Select Committee presented proof, that US spy organisations were lying, the cloak and dagger boys refused to cooperate with Congress.
President Gerald Ford played ball with the CIA and refused to issue orders to George Bush, at the time director of the CIA, ‘to clear up this mess,’ wrote Reston. ‘Some of us,’ he continued, ‘talked privately to the president about it. He does not condone it, nor does he deny the congressional report that the practice continues.’ At the end of 1977, John Crewdson and Joseph Treaster published three entire pages in The New York Times in which they documented how the CIA had been engaged in an unremitting, though largely unrecognised, effort to shape foreign opinion in support of American policy abroad. In 1977, the CIA turned out to be either the owner, or was subsidizing at least fifty newspapers, news agencies, radio stations and magazines, both inside and outside the US. CIA personnel was working for television operations throughout the world, while most of these operations were unaware they were employing US spies. At least 250 US publishing houses, some even well known and prestigious, were in 1977 publishing books, that were authored and subsidized by the CIA. A quarter of a century later the skills of espionage and propaganda have only become more sophisticated, far-reaching and global.
Anyone who might be under the illusion that all nations within the NATO alliance, do not use the same illegal and criminal tactics as offshoots of the Big Brother in Washington, should have their heads examined. Being in journalism for 50 years, I have witnessed this happening all around me, at UN headquarters in New York, as well as in Holland. In the early eighties I tried to get a debate started on this subject in the Dutch parliament. This was immediately torpedoed by the then minister of the Interior, also in charge of intelligence matters, Hans Wiegel. It was naïve on my part to assume, that when the US Congress can't stop illegal and criminal activities of spy organisations, we in The Hague could or even would.
Even as recently as May 6, 2002, when one Dutch candidate for the premiership, Pim Fortuijn, advocated amongst others the abolishment of the armed forces, with the exception of the Royal Dutch Navy, he was simply shot dead one week prior to the elections. This was the only way in which Fortuijn could be stopped in eventually carrying out his for NATO rather disruptive plans. Inspite of his premature death, his LPF party became the second largest party in Holland. Fortuijn was promptly replaced by a minor employee of the ministry of Defence, Mat Her-