Listening to the silent majority
(1990)–Willem Oltmans– Auteursrechtelijk beschermd
[pagina 187]
| |
cause they are liable to use this situation later on, by pointing fingers and saying: ‘You see, we told you so, these people in the nfbl are only collaborators.’ ‘For us to have a democratic National Forum, we do not have to ignore any black person, or group, including the anc, pac and all the rest, including those South Africans who are in exile, or in detention. The anc is certainly not the voice of black South Africa, as I explained to you before. It's one of the voices of blacks in this country and cannot be ignored. Yet, we do not want the anc or anyone else to come with a list of pre-conditions before they are willing to join the Forum and negotiate. There should be an open agenda and no conditions. Some of the overseas opponents of apartheid are also afraid of losing some of the fringe benefits they receive by living abroad. That's one reason we have so much disunity.’ ‘The present nfbl is by far not democratic enough,’ maintained Jabulani, ‘because it consists mostly of elected councillors. They were only elected and voted into office to represent people at local levels, not at national level. They have no mandate for the Forum. That's wrong. No referendum was held and I agree with you - such a referendum should be held, to gauge the feelings of the people on this vital matter. I am telling you, there are, especially in the Vaal region, a lot of young people who are moderates, and who are ready to stand up and speak out on behalf of the people. I assure you, I could myself beat some of the people you have spoken to in your book as the so-called black leaders of blacks. Some of them, I am sure, could easily be beaten at the polls. You should realise that South African blacks are now being blessed by an entirely new generation of young people, who cannot be intimidated any more. Let some people in high places lend an ear to what we, the young, are saying, or to what we are thinking, and let us try to bury our differences. If we can all be in the same camp, the struggle would be so different. ‘for instance we differ in the way things should be done. Even, at times, in the moderate camp, such differences exist. But now, what we, young South Africans are interested in is to attend to the program of liberalisation. What we should be aware of is that our freedom is a white man's freedom. Because as long as we are not really free, and have all these differences amongst ourselves, while a lot of intimidation continues from the left and radical groups, I do not think it will be easy for | |
[pagina 188]
| |
those white leaders, who sincerely do want change and political reform in South Africa, to convey a message of negotiation to their constituencies. Because, they will be immediately asked, and rightfully so, ‘if you want us to share our power with blacks, do you think we can live together with blacks, who are utterly divided? We are, from our side, trying to create conditions, to cancel the whites' fear, and the blacks' hatred.’ It reminded me of King Goodwill Zwelitshini of the Zulus who some time ago appealed to western Christians to support and love white South Africans in what he called ‘their traumas of transition from racist oppressors to true democrats’. ‘Now,’ the young Xhosa from Transvaal said, ‘you know, blacks must start to love whites again, and have confidence that they can still share this country with whites. But they should be reasonably assured that reconciliation is a livable reality. Unlike this spirit, that after liberation, blacks will take over, and wipe out white interests and white domination, we don't need apartheid in reverse. We don't need another wave of oppression, the other way around. We have seen how Mozambique was liberated. Within a few months all Portugese were gone and Mozambique was destroyed. Some of the people, who are aiming at such a situation here, have already opened side gates for themselves. They know when it gets hot, it will be easy for them to move out.’ |
|