Listening to the silent majority
(1990)–Willem Oltmans– Auteursrechtelijk beschermd[117]On continuing my talk with Mayor Philip Nhlapo in Mhluzi township, he said, ‘We are trying to bring all blacks together in the National Forum. All those we can reach, from different organisations and persuasions, will come together to discuss the future of South Africa.’ ‘That's the theory,’ I replied, ‘since in practice far too few leaders and organisations are actually joining. Many blacks feel that some of the people in the NFBL now do not have a proper mandate to speak on behalf of the black masses, since they received a mandate to represent them at local levels, in town councils: not at national levels.’ I proposed to Mr Nhlapo that a national black referendum could be a solution to some of the legitimate objections against his organisation, and let people freely decide whom they want to represent them in the National Forum. Philip Nhlapo: ‘If we were to ask the government for a referendum, it would show that we fear the government.’ ‘Why?’ I asked. ‘Well, if we would ask for a referendum, it simply would show fear for the government,’ Mr Nhlapo replied, ‘Well then, don't ask for a referendum publicly. Whisper it into Mr Chris Heunis' ear,’ I suggested. ‘What I fear,’ said Mr Nhlapo, ‘is that we would be regarded as people who are still begging the government. I think we should develop an initiative, as we have done, and we engineered this National Forum and are coming now together.’ He handed me a copy of the NFBL Constitution. ‘UCASA handed a memorandum to Mr Chris Heunis in which we stated in no uncertain terms, that the South African government was still only formed of the white, Indian and coloured chambers, while we blacks continued to be excluded,’ the mayor told me. Philip Nhlapo continued, ‘the coloureds and Indians didn't hold a referendum, either. Do you know what happened? All of us, the blacks, Indians and coloureds, used to have what we called a Black Alliance, of which Gatsha Buthelezi, the | |
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leader of Inkatha, was the President. What the government then said was, come to us and let's talk. The black Alliance first refused. But then, some Indians and the Reverend Allan Hendrickse of the Labour Party defected and split. They said, “We are going in. We are going to fight from within.” Now, what did they achieve over the past five years, as members of the tri-cameral parliament? Absolutely nothing.’Ga naar voetnoot96. ‘Now, the blacks have said,’ stressed Mr Nhlapo, ‘Let's come together, for the forthcoming Great Indaba. We will then break the present system from within and will have one multiracial parliament for South Africa. That precisely is what we are doing now in the National Forum of Black Leaders. So, for other blacks to stand outside and complain that they are not represented in the NFBL makes no sense whatsoever. We here in South Africa must come together with the government to hammer out a new constitution for South Africa. It is right here that we will break the walls of apartheid and, those people who are not as yet released will eventually be represented, because we will be demanding their release, once we are in. That is the true meaning of negotiations. To negotiate is an exchange of give and take. That we are going to do, or rather, we are already doing right now.’ Mr Nhlapo: ‘The people that are outside, and especially the blacks in the homelands, are already in constant touch with the government. If they have a problem or want to discuss matters of mutual concern, they deal with the government directly. They don't have to walk roundabout ways. But, we blacks in the Republic of South Africa, are not represented in the central government. We are at the very base of the nation and have nobody up there. Everybody is dealing with their “own affairs”, except us. How can we negotiate with the government, if we are not represented anywhere? We must, for instance, have black ministers in the central government, so that proper representation is there right at the top.’Ga naar voetnoot97. |
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