country would be such a peaceful and beautiful place. Blacks completely lack integration into the overall social activies in society on the whole.’ ‘But nobody seems to agree with anybody else,’ I replied. At this point, my four partners in the conversation all wanted to reply at once. The tape, as I later discovered, turned into a veritable cacaphony of sound. ‘People have set up political organisations in this country and turned them into factories supplying political production. The outcome is a political propaganda product in its purest form. So, the moment I discover that the product I am turning out for overseas consumption is bringing me considerable advantages and profits over a broad front, I won't readily give it up.’ I realized we were back with Desmond Tutu.
‘While I am making a big profit, and the sailing towards overseas lands is good, I am not likely to give up these first-class, lavishly-funded junkets, paid for by foreign, anti-South African organisations. In the meantime, a big profit is harvested while advocating the kind of propaganda people overseas want to hear, receiving further confirmation about misconceptions they entertain about this country and about us blacks, including the nonsense they think is turning in our heads. Why would these religious preachers not stick at all costs to their line, as long as their business is flourishing. If Chief Buthelezi were to be mentioned with John Mavuso in your book, the people overseas would ask him ‘Why are you all of a sudden in one camp with Mavuso? You were turning out such a nice product, fully confirming our perceptions of South Africa. Now we are confused. That's why Chief Buthelezi wrote in his fax to you about his concern for foreign anti-apartheid movements. It's all a question of meeting money obligations, that's all.’
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