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People in between: the Matawai Maroons of Suriname (1981)

People in between: the Matawai Maroons of Suriname

(1981)–Chris de Beet, Miriam Sterman–rechtenstatus Auteursrechtelijk beschermd

Vorige Volgende

1
Introduction

The primary aim of this study is to fill a gap in ethnographic knowledge. When we planned the research, the Matawai was one of the few Bush Negro or Maroon tribes in Suriname, that had remained unstudied(1.). At the beginning of our field research another anthropologist, Edward Green, worked in the Matawai area. Partly because of the rapid migration to town, some anthropologists considered a study of the Matawai to be urgent (Lenoir personal communication). We decided to focus on a restricted number of subjects that were thought to be most deeply affected by recent change. These subjects were religion, demography (including migration) and social organization. It must be noted that as a consequence of this initial choice and of our divergent research interests, this study contains some discontinuities between its constituent parts. In fact, the different nature of, for instance, demographic and religious phenomena, does not permit a common framework. A central theme throughout the book is social change. Due to rapid social change an ethnographic account of the Matawai would be inadequate if it does not consider both Christianity and the traditional Afro-American religion, and both the tribal and urban segments of the Matawai society.

One particular idea has dominated this study more than others. As anthropologists we felt that it was important to concentrate on a single village in order to arrive at a thorough understanding of social processes as they are manifest in a local, small-scale community, involving a limited number of individuals. The advantages of such an approach have been elaborated by van Velsen (1967) and Cohen (1971).

On the other hand, we were well aware of the limitations of such a study. A major problem, as has been aptly pointed out by Köbben (1971: 42), involves whether a village study is representative of a larger area or the whole Matawai tribe. Anthropologists are increasingly becoming aware of regional variations within small areas (see for instance, Pelto and Pelto 1975, Quinn 1975). Moreover, in the case of demography conclusions can not be drawn on the basis of a village with a small population because of the influence of random factors. For these reasons we have chosen to adopt a two-fold approach:

a)We chose to live primarily in one village, that was, in fact, surrounded by three other villages which together constituted our primary research unit.
b)We collected quantitative data for the whole tribe to discover variations of quantifiable characteristics in the different areas. This twofold task required that one of us stayed a few months in the downriver area to perform census work, while the other remained in the upriver village to observe social life within the village.

The fieldwork was carried out in the period between November 1972 and January 1975. Throughout the period from November 1972 until March 1974 we resided in the village, with the exception of a few brief visits to Paramaribo. During the second half of 1974 we lived near Paramaribo to study Matawai life in town.

During our field research, our work was to a large degree determined by events in village life that occurred during our stay. After participating in village councils, we attempted to explore concepts, background and customs with the aid of key-informants. Meanwhile we worked simultaneously on the development of a framework for the collection of quantitative data among the Matawai and finally on the collection of census data. The aim of the census was to provide demographic information on the Matawai population, marital histories, work etc. The information acquired, was more extensive in the upriver area than in the downriver villages because of the fact that we spent more time in that area.

Throughout the first three to four months of our research, we worked primarily in Boslanti and the cluster of the surrounding upriver villages. Much of the time was devoted to language study both in informal contexts and with the aid of an informant-interpreter. During

the following four months, we gradually began to prepare census work. Genealogies for the upriver villages were collected and compiled to provide a framework for the study of social organization and population processes. The aim of the genealogies was to provide complete population lists, that were necessary for our census work. By the end of this period we were able to begin census work in the upriver villages. Meanwhile we continued to complete genealogies for the other villages. Due to the absence of a number of villagers, it took us more than a year to complete census work in the upriver area(2.). Meanwhile we started census taking in the downriver area. Throughout the course of our research the census work and the observation of social events taking place in the village proceeded concurrently. In the last stage of our research fieldwork was conducted among the Matawai who had migrated to town. In this preliminary research we focused on the development of the urban Matawai as a distinct ethnic group and on their relationship with the wider Surinamese society. One of us returned to Boslanti, during this period, to finish some research tasks. For aims of comparison we have divided Matawai territory into four areas, libasei 1 and 2 in the upriver area and bausei 1 and 2 in the downriver area. The villages situated in each cluster are indicated on map 2.

Arrangement of the material

The sections that follow in the introductory chapter are aimed at providing some information to situate Matawai society in a geographical and historical perspective. In this context a short summary is given of the economic life of the Matawai. In part 1 we focus on some aspects of social organization, in particular lineage organization, marriage, divorce and fosterage. The subject matter of part 2 is religion. When Christianity was introduced in the Matawai area more than a century ago, a strong affiliation with the church developed, without, however, obliterating the persistent significance of the Afro-American religion. The relations between the traditional religion and Christianity are explored. The topic of part 3 is demography. In particular, we present an analysis of fertility and of migration to the coast. In the final part an account will be given of recent developments in Matawai society and some speculations will be presented on its future.

Sources on the Matawai

Although the number of publications on Bush Negroes is quite extensive, (see, for instance, the bibliographies in Van der Elst 1970 and Price 1976), publications that deal particularly with the smaller tribes such as the Kwinti, Paramaka and Matawai are scarce. The few existent accounts of expeditions to the Saramacca river (Cateau van Rosevelt 1871(3.); van Stockum 1904) do not give detailed information about the Matawai. The major sources on the Matawai are the accounts of the missionaries. Early relations between Matawai and Amerindians and those between Matawai and Saramaka are mentioned in Quandt (1807) and Staehelin (1913-19). The interest of the international missionary press was aroused after the religious movement of the Matawai prophet Johannes King(4.). Two publications contain information on political succession in Matawai society (Benjamins 1916, Wong 1938). Recently, the American anthropologist Green has written a Ph.D. thesis on Matawai acculturation (1974) and articles on various subjects (1976, 1977, 1978).

A geographical sketch

The borders of the former Dutch colony Suriname that acquired the status of an independent republic in 1975, are bounded by two large rivers, the Corantijn river in the west and the Marowijne and Lawa river in the east. The southern border is formed by the watershed of rivers, tributaries and creeks which flow into the Amazone river and those rivers flowing north into the Atlantic Ocean. The landscape can be divided in three main types: the interior covered with tropical rain forest and savannas, the older coastplain with a vegetation of swamp forest and finally, the younger coastplain with swamps and occasionally low forest. Before the period of colonization that began in the early 17th century, the Guianas were exclusively inhabited by Amerindians who presently constitute only a small portion of the population, living in the interior. During the plantation period Maroon settlements were established along the main rivers in the interior. Presently, they are divided into six tribal groups. The Djuka reside primarily along the Tapanahoni, Marowijne and Cottica rivers and number about 20.000 persons. Of almost

equal size is the tribe of the Saramaka who live along the Suriname river. The Aluku or Boni are smaller in size, residing primarily in French Guiana but also in a village on the Suriname side of the Lawa. The Paramaka live along the Marowijne. The Kwinti partially along the Saramacca and partially along the Coppename rivers. And the Matawai reside along the Saramacca river (see map 1). The Matawai territory is situated in the heart of Suriname's tropical forest. The present settlements of the Matawai are located along a stretch of the Saramacca river between 5.00 and 4.00 degrees north of the equator. During the first half of the 19th century a number of new villages were settled along the Saramacca, downriver from Kwakugoon, close to Paramaribo, where Bush Negroes of non-Matawai origin came to live. Nowadays these villages have a mixed population of Saramaka, Djuka, Matawai and also some Kwinti. In 1974 the Matawai gaaman acquired authority over these villages.

The Matawai villages are to be found north of the railway station Kwakugoon. The railway, constructed for the gold industry in the beginning of this century, is still the main transit route from the Matawai territory to the coastal area. The Saramaka villages north of the Brokopondo lake are also connected by this railway to the Matawai territory. The river serves as a major traffic route between the villages. A few trails connect the Saramacca river with the Coppename and the Suriname river, but these days the trails are seldom used and they have no longer significance for intra-tribal relations. Recently, two airstrips (see map 2) directly link the villages of Posugunu and Njukonde with Paramaribo. These airstrips have been of crucial importance for the development of medical care in the Matawai area.

 

The climate in Suriname is characterized by sun, warmth and rain. The variations in temperature are greater in the interior than in the coastal plain where seawinds reduce the daytime temperature. Temperatures in the interior average 27 C. The high levels of rainfall cause high humidity throughout the year. Four seasons are recognized:

Short rainy season - early December to early February
Short dry season - early February to the end of April
Long rainy season - end of April to mid-August
Long dry season - mid-August to early December



illustratie
Map 1 Distribution of Bush Negro tribes in Suriname


The contrast between the long rainy season and the long dry season are most significant. In figure 1 we present data on rainfall in the village of Boslanti in the upper Saramacca region in comparison with data from Paramaribo.

The water-level of a relatively small river like the Saramacca tends to react rapidly to variations in rainfall. After a rainy night the water-level may rise more than a meter. During the dry season it may reach such a low level that boat traffic becomes almost impossible. After a long rainy period the water-level may become so high that the villagers need a boat to reach their own houses. Most houses are build on piles. The highest annual variation in the water-level observed in the Saramacca river has been five meters.



illustratie
Figure 1 Monthly rainfall for Paramaribo and Boslanti


Some historical notes on the Matawai

Before colonization, the Guianas were almost exclusively inhabited by Carib and Arowak Indians. In the course of the first half of the 17th century some attempts were made to settle trade posts and tobacco plantations in Suriname. The first settlers were Europeans from France, England and the Netherlands. The history of Suriname as a plantation colony began with the settlement of a group of about hundred people



illustratie
Map 2 Location of Matawai villages


from the island of Barbados led by Lord Willoughby. According to Rens (1952: 14) some years after the establishment of the English colony in 1651, the first Negro slaves were imported from Barbados. In 1666 a number of Portuguese Jews settled in the colony, together with many of their slaves. In 1667 the colony came into Dutch hands. This was the beginning of regular large-scale importation of slaves from Africa, needed for the plantation production (see Price 1976: 7-9). Already in the first period of colonization of Suriname slaves escaped from the plantations. In 1684, a first peace treaty was concluded with three different groups of Amerindians, and also with the so-called Condie Negroes. When the slave force increased, marronage and the subsequent attacks on the plantations became a serious threat to the colony. In 1731 governor de Cheuses decided to send a military expedition to the Maroons to establish a peace treaty. The Maroons did not thrust in the promises that were made and the expedition failed. Because the costs of the military expeditions against the Maroons were very high - Hartsinck estimated that the cost of one expedition was at least one hundred thousand guilders - governor Mauritius returned to the idea of a peace treaty with the Maroons as the best means of protecting the plantations. If the Maroons would be pacified, they would prevent further marronage and the attacks on the plantations would stop. In 1749, despite resistance on the part of the settlers, he sent an expedition led by Creutz to speak to the head of the Maroons, Adu, in the Upper Saramacca. The peace treaty that resulted did not last long. When a small group was sent to bring the promised presents to the Maroons, it was attacked by one of the Maroon leaders named Samsam and no member of the expedition ever returned to the colony. According to Mauricius, the Maroons who lived in the Upper Saramacca were descendants of slaves who ran away during the English period before 1667. Most of them had been born in the forest and only a few had ever seen a white person (Mauritius cited in van Sypestijn 1854: 54, see also Herlein 1718: 116). More than a decade later the attempt to negotiate peace with the Maroons in this area was renewed. In 1760 a peace treaty was concluded with the Auca Negroes, who lived near the Djuka creek, a tribuatory of the Marowijne river, and who later became known as the Djuka. A year later the government succeeded in concluding a treaty with

the Maroons who lived in the area between the Suriname and the Saramacca rivers. In fact, they constituted three groups, the main group under the leadership of Abini, a second group under Samsam - these groups became known as the Saramaka - and finally a group who lived along the Saramacca river under the leadership of Becu and Musinga. This was the group of the Matawai who in older documents is also known as Becu- and Musinga Negroes. The truce was arranged by Abini who was considered the major leader. The treaty was soon broken by Musinga who was offended by the fact that he had not shared in the presents provided by the government. Musinga reacted by stealing 150 slaves from the plantations. In 1763 the peace treaty was again renewed (see Wong 1938: 318). In the threaties, the relations between the government and the Maroons were set out. The Maroons were obliged to return the slaves who came to their villages and to assist the government in the struggle against hostile Amerindians and fugitive slaves. They were permitted to come in small numbers to the coast to trade their products and were promised a number of yearly presents if they adhered to the treaty. These consisted of machetes, guns, gunpowder, cloth and other essentials. The presents were later given once in two years, and finally once in four years. In 1849 the last presents were distributed(5.).

The period 1760-1780 was marked by tense relations between the government and the group under the leadership of Becu and Musinga. In 1761, for instance, they burnt the missionpost Saron where the Moravian missionaries had gathered a number of Amerindian converts (Staehelin 1913-19, II(3.): 195-197). Some women and children were abducted to stay among the Matawai. Musinga's act in 1762 has been described above. In 1765 he attacked four plantations in the Para district and again made off with slaves. Both Abini's group and Maroons living along the Coppename river joined the government to battle Musinga and his people. On this occasion, Abini was shot by Musinga and the others had to return to their villages. Despite the small size (about 150) of the Matawai group, they caused a great deal of trouble for the colony. Finally, in 1767 the government was able to renew the peace with them. However, their refusal to return the slaves to the government remained a serious point of coflict. Still in 1778 mention is made of fighting between government troops and Becu who worked with some of the slaves

living among the Matawai, near Saron (see Quandt 1807: 113; Brown 1796: 111; Staehelin 1913-19, III(1): 46-7).

According to oral history accounts, the Matawai and Saramaka came indepently to the Upper Saramacca where, according to some interpretations, they lived for a while together on Hansesipow (litt. beautiful rope), a large mountain nowadays known as Tafelberg or Tafa birgi. When fear for the colonial troops began to decrease, they came down to settle in a large village called Toido, situated along the Tukumutu, a tributary of the Saramacca river. Probably, not long before the peace treaty of 1762 the Saramaka moved to the area between the Suriname and the Saramacca and along the Suriname river. The notes and diaries of the missionaries who settled in one of the Saramaka villages in 1765, indicate that the Matawai and the Saramaka maintained regular contacts (see Staehelin 1913-19, III(3): 187, 190). The relations between the two tribes, however became tense after the death of Abini.

During the 1820s, members of both the Djuka and the Saramaka began to settle in the downriver area on the outskirts of the plantation colony(6.). A small group of Matawai also moved into this area and established the village of Maipaston. After 1850 a number of villages shifted from the area south of the rapids to the region between the great falls. It was at this time that a group of Maroons who had been living in the forests made peace with the Matawai and joined them along the Saramacca river. These people, the Kwinti or Kofimaka Negroes, first lived among the Matawai in the village of Ameikan, and later settled in their own village of Kwangu. A group of the Kwinti left the Saramacca after a conflict with the Matawai gaanman Noah Adai (see de Beet and Sterman 1980: 16-22).

After 1860 Matawai history is dominated by the introduction of Christianity. We will elaborate upon the impact of this religion in a chapter on the development of Christianity.

Population density

The part of the Saramacca river above Kwakugoon that is considered to be Matawai territory proper is only sparsely populated. The 19 villages (17 inhabited by Matawai and 2 by Kwinti) are unevenly distributed

along the river. There are three clusters of villages (see map 2). The largest cluster consists of the villages around Boslanti and has a total population of about 400. There are no indications of land scarcity along the Saramacca river. In the past, shifts in village locations have been explained by the scarcity of land suitable for horticultural purposes. However, even in the most densely populated Matawai area where people have cultivated their gardens for about a century in a restricted area around the villages, we have never heard of conflicts concerning horticultural land. In fact all gardens are still cleared within a relatively short distance from the villages, reachable within a few hours. Although the discussion of carrying capacity - the theoretical limit to which a population can grow and still be supported permanently by the environment - in tropical forest areas has largely concentrated on available land (see Caneiro 1960), the importance of other resources such as animal protein of game and fish is becoming increasingly recognized. Gross, for instance, has argued that the availability of animal protein may explain the differences in size, form and permanence of Amerindian villages in the Amazone basin (1975)(7.).

Returning to the Matawai it must be emphasized that despite the limited population numbers residing along the river, game and fish have become quite scarce, especially in the areas in close proximity to the villages. For this reason men may travel several days before reaching the favourable hunting grounds. Migration to the coast and the move of villages to the downriver area have contributed to the fact that despite population growth population pressure remained relatively constant.

A word about migration

In the chapter on migration we will elaborate a number of factors that have contributed to shifts in mobility patterns. The rapid migration of the Matawai to the coast during the last few decades has changed Matawai society such that it can no longer be considered as an isolated cultural entity. The exodus to the coast has divided the Matawai into tribal and urban segments which do, however, maintain close relations. The demographic characteristics of the two segments diverge and deeply effect the social organization. Not all villages have been equally effected by

the migration flow. In fact, the majority of the migrants originate from the downriver villages. In the part dealing with social organization we will elaborate the effects of migration on particular institutions such as marriage and divorce, fosterage and lineage organization. When there are large variations within the Matawai area we will elaborate on the relevant differences. In other cases, we will concentrate on the Boslanti area where we spent most of the research period and collected the most extensive data.

The village

All Matawai villages are located along the river. The dense tropical forest along the river banks is interrupted by several landing stages where the boats are moored. The forest immediately behind the gallery is less dense than might be expected, however, the secondary forest near the villages is dominated by rapid growing and dense vegetation. Sporadically the forest is interrupted by granite plains with flora and fauna peculiar to that ecological niche.

Boslanti is the largest village within the Matawai territory; it has a total population of about 200 inhabitants. Boslanti and the villages of Wanati, Pniël and Vertrouw, form a territorial cluster whose inhabitants constitute one church congragation. Before the introduction of the outboard motor in the late 1940s, a journey from Paramaribo to Boslanti could take a week to a fortnight depending on the water-level. Nowadays the communication between city and the tribal villages is facilitated by the construction of two airstrips (see map 2).

Approaching the river by boat, one can observe the first foot paths leading to the gardens; these are marked by dug-outs with as many as five to ten boats during the planting season. The river is the major route for inter-village traffic and travel to and from the gardens. Before reaching the village we encounter several boats with people going to their gardens. The church and the pastor's house dominate the initial view of Boslanti. On the landing stage, at alomost any hour of the day women are washing dishes or laundry while men often saw planks or construct boats under the shadow of the large mango tree. Children like to play along the river side, attempting to catch small fish where

the food remnants have been thrown into the water.

The impression one acquires on a short visit greatly depends on the season of the year and the time of the day. During the day throughout the peak horticultural season the village may be almost completely deserted with only a few old women at home. On weekends many of the men who spent some days upriver, as well as couples who stayed a few nights in the garden camp, will return to the village. Many travellers have noted the chaotic character of the village plan, however, upon closer examination, a clear link with principles of social organization becomes apparent. Most houses are small, especially the traditional ones with palm-leave roofs. The newer houses with the corrugated iron roofs are usually larger. Most houses are built on wooden stilts which are five to six feet long. The place under the house is used for various activities ranging from sewing and wood carving to breaking maka nuts and preparing food.

Matawai economy

As the Matawai economy is in a process of transformation, it is necessary to distinguish between the more traditional pre-1960 pattern and the present economic system. The river basin of the Saramacca river and its tribuatories provided the main resources for the traditional Matawai economy. All activities such as horticulture, hunting, fishing and gathering were conducted in the immediate vicinity of the river. Until the 1960s the riverine niche was significant not only for subsistence activities but also for lumber work and balata bleeding which were done mainly along the Saramacca river. Besides work in freight transporting, gold-digging, balata and lumber provided the major opportunities to acquire a monetary income. While food products, such as rice and peanuts have been exchanged for products from the coast even before the peace treaties were concluded, the production of cash crops for the coastal market has never become a significant source of income.

Wage labour

The Matawai economy has never been completely independent from the coastal economy. After 1849, when the Bush Negroes were no longer provided

with presents, they became increasingly dependent on lumbering. In particular, after emancipation of the slaves in 1863, lumbering provided them with their major source of monetary income. For a long time the supply of lumber in the coastal area was largely in the hands of the Bush Negroes. Lumbering required the cooperation of men in large groups. Areas, that were rich in valuable trees and accessible by a creek, belonged often to a specific descent group. Matrilineal kinsmen worked usually together with other men, who were invited on the basis of affinity or friendship. Most of the work groups in the work histories we collected, consisted of 20 to 30 men. Paths were cleared through the forest connecting those places where valuable trees were located with the river side. Men worked in couples, felling and squaring the trees. And the whole group worked together to haul the squared logs. The logs were dragged to the creek over poles laid on the path (lolo pasi). Cooperation was also required to transport the logs, which were fastened together into rafts, over the large rapids downriver to Kwakugoon, where the lumber was sold (see Martin 1886: 50-51). It must be noted that lumbering was always one activity within a larger range of other economic activities, and the allocation of time to this activity was restricted by the horticultural cycle, climatological conditions and also by ceremonial activities. As lumbering was a communal activity, the death of a kinsmen of one of the workers could delay the working period for a while.

At the end of the 19th century gold exploitation and balata bleeding provided new labour opportunities for Matawai men. Particularly those from the downriver region engaged in these activities. During the 1930s the balata trade collapsed and the companies that worked in the downriver area went bankrupt. This had led to the development of one man occupations of selling the collected balata to traders. Matawai men also participated in these activities. During the 1940s and the early 1950s, the lumber trade of the Bush Negroes flourished. Until 1960 almost all Matawai men worked seasonally in logging wood and balata gathering, although men were occasionally also recruited for other jobs. In the course of the 1950s many men in the opstream area were recruited to gather maka nuts, along the Coppename river, for oil production (see Bruijning and Voorhoeve 1977: 84).

Recently, the traditional manner of lumbering with large working

groups has lost its significance. In the early 1960s the prices for lumber were so low, that the tribal council decided to suspend lumber exploitation within the tribal area. A number of developments preceded this decision. First, the most valuable trees had become scarce after a long period of rather intensive forest exploitation and the remaining valuable trees were at a greater distance from the major creeks and the river. Second, both the import of lumber from Brazil and the new methods of forest exploitation introduced by large lumber companies, served to weaken the position of the Bush Negroes in the lumber market. Another factor that affected the traditional lumbering was the emergence of permanent migration during this period. It was precisely the men in the age category most capable of lumbering work, who were atracted to governmental services and became migrants.

After the decline of lumbering and to a lesser degree balata bleeding, the work pattern of Matawai men became more individualized. A number of men gradually shifted their focus of economic interest to the coast and joined the urban labour market in search of temporary and permanent jobs. The men who continued to live mostly in the tribal villages, remained engaged in seasonal work, but in contrast to previously, the work was now mainly outside the tribal area. The transformation of a collective working pattern into a pattern involving individuals, couples and sometimes small groups, has increased the flexibility in the time that can be allocated to wage labour. However, the climatologically determined first phase of the horticultural cycle has remained an important period in which men are obliged to return to the village to fulfill their role in felling a plot. In figure 2 it is shown that the absenteeism of men residing in the tribal area has maintained its seasonal character.

Despite the importance of wage labour, the Matawai are to a large degree still dependent on subsistence activities such as horticulture, hunting, fishing and gathering. The quantity of food products imported to the tribal area, is very restricted. Most of the money earned at the coast is spent on such essentials as clothes, hammocks, soap, salt, pots, pans, machetes, guns, out board motors, fuel and luxuries such as rum, beer, transistor radios etc.



illustratie
Figure 2 Male and female absenteeism of adults of four upriver villages (migrants excluded) during the years 1973 and 1974
Males between 15-55 years of age
Females between 15-49 years of age


Shifting cultivation

The annual shedule of activities is largely determined by the horticultural cycle. In this cycle a number of peak periods can be discerned. Both climatological factors and the traditional preference for cooperation in garden work, contribute to the coordination in gardening. Most work throughout the peak periods is accomplished by groups who alternate work in each other's gardens. Traditionally, all work, during these peak periods, was conducted in large groups. In the past, particularly in the activity of felling trees (faa goon), one of the first tasks in the horticultural cycle, large groups of men were recruited. Women cooked to feed the working group. Presently, in felling, as in other peak activities, there has been a trend towards a certain amount of individualization. Men will often cut the gardens themselves for a number of consecutive days, before asking their kinsmen and affines to help them finish the work. Although this change has restricted the number of an individual's obligations to reciprocate by helping others with their gardens, it has not significantly changed the absolute time allocated to gardening during the peaks of the horticultural cycle.

The decrease in the use of working groups in the felling of trees is explained by the Matawai as a conscious attempt to avoid the kind of accidents that frequently occurred during the dangerous work. It can, however, also be seen as an adaptation to the changing patterns in migrant labour. Formerly when most men worked in lumbering, the men departed in groups to work at the creeks, and after having sold their lumber, returned in the same groups. They would then start with felling and burning, and had to stay for a fixed period in the village as a result of their obligation to assist others. With the development of increased diversity of jobs, the larger number of kinship obligations became more of a hindrance. Consequently, the groups became smaller. These days, the men who help each other preparing fields often form working teams to search for temporary jobs on the coast. During the first stage in the horticultural cycle the percentage of men involved in the work is at its largest. Their involvement is minimal in the harvest period. In fact, the harvest of rice is exclusively the task of women. Men do not leave for the coast immediately after cutting and

and burning, but will stay to help their wives clear the gardens of weeds before the rice can be planted.

During particular peak periods in the horticultural cycle, men and women are almost exclusively engaged in one of the various kind of activities. Cutting underbrush (koti baasu) and the subsequent felling and burning of trees (faa goon) require men to spend many days on their own and kinsmen's gardens. During harvest time women are also occupied for almost two months. Weeding (limba) requires men and women to work continuously on their gardens, staying overnight, for between two weeks and a month and in planting of rice (diki alisi), they will rush to finish one garden after another before the first rains appear. It is no wonder then that when one of these activities has been completed, people are relieved to remain in the village and rest. However, in between the seasonal peaks there remains a lot of work to be done in the gardens, especially by women. Men's work is mainly restricted to clearing paths to the garden and repairing the camp just before harvest time. Only occasionally will men visit their gardens to fetch sugar cane or a bunch of plantains. When the men are not primarily engaged in horticultural activities, they will be engaged in a wide range of other activities, such as hunting, fishing, house- and boat making. Women visit their gardens regularly throughout the year. They may clear rice stalks on a former neighbouring plot to make a peanut garden, or collect seeds and planting material from a former garden to plant it on the newly cleared one. And they will regularly harvest some garden produce. After the rice has been planted and shortly before it ripens, they visit their gardens daily dispersing the gathering swarms of birds, by noisily beating the trees with machetes and sticks. Women, in fact, consider the garden to be their own domain and they like to combine gardening and food processing, by conducting activities, such as pounding rice or making cassave bread, in their gardens instead of in the village.

Selecting of a field site

A household may claim landrights in the lineage domain of both the wife and the husband. Formerly households cultivated their gardens in both domains. Nowadays, the majority of men will prepare a garden only near

the wife's village, on her lineage land. Rights to a piece of land are determined by the fact that lineage ancestors or lineage members had cultivated a garden there. No lineage rights exist in virgin or primary forest. Although it is recognized that the soil of the primary forest tends to be more fertile than that of the secondary forest, most gardens are cut in secondary forest. These gardens are situated closer to the village. Also, the preparation of a garden in this forest type is less painstaking because of the lack of hard wood trees. Some of the younger men, however, prefer to prepare a garden in the primary forest.

Felling and burning

Matawai recognize the value of a well-burned field. The burning is timed to coincide with the dry season and is very much dependent on the weather conditions. Although the weather is normally quite predictable, some years deviate from the expected pattern. If the dry season turns out to be too rainy, it is likely that the horticultural production will be reduced due to the poor burning.

After the cutting of the undergrowth and the subsequent felling of the larger trees the field has to dry for a period of about one month. The larger trees are not completely burned and the field remains covered with many parts of wood. This prevents the rapid re-growth of weeds. Before rice, the major staple crop, is planted in April or May, the men will gather a large amount of the residual wood which is burned locally on the field. If the wood is too wet, gasoline will sometimes be used to set it in fire. A well-burned field not only improves the soil fertility, but also reduces animal pests such as the leaf-cutting ants (see Ruddle 1974: 73). The Matawai prefer to plant vegetables in places where the ground is most heavily covered with ashes.

Cropping

Shortly following the burning, the first products are planted in the new garden. Seeds have been selected and gathered throughout the previous year. Rice, the so-called jai alisi, is planted around the change of the year and can be harvested before the major rice harvest. Other products

planted shortly after the burning are sugar-cane, water melon, corn and cassave. In the period that follows the weeds grow rapidly depending on the amount of rainfall and on the length of the fallow period. In February and March most people are occupied with clearing the gardens. Sometimes the weeds grow so rapidly that the work must be redone before it has been finished. The clearing often involves three weeks of intensive labour by all members of the household. The soil is then hoed and the whole surface of the field is planted with rice in April and May. The rice can be harvested four to five months after sowing. Some months after the major harvest the women will return to the garden for a smaller harvest of the rice that fell to the ground during the main harvest and sprouted. This rice is called baka alisi.

Fallowing

Troughout the year food products such as cassave, sugar cane, pineapple and sweet potatoes are harvested in the old garden. Some years the old garden is reused; it will be partially or completely planted with rice for a second consecutive year. Peanuts, also, are often planted in the old garden. If a woman does not have a partner to prepare the field for her, the rice stalks (alisi kakisa) will be burned in order to fertilize the soil. In other cases, after two years the garden is left fallow for a period of about ten years. It is obvious that shifting cultivation with long fallow periods requires a large amount of land. As we have already indicated (see p. 12) there is no scarcity of land in the Matawai area.

Surplus and scarcity

Generally the gardens provide sufficient food for the consumption needs of the household. The small surpluses of certain products are distributed among kinsmen, neighbours and friends. Within the village, money is rarely used in food transactions. In the downriver area, however, it plays a more dominant role even within the village. The distance to the coast is a major barrier for the development of trade in horticultural products and the production of cash crops. Recently a few attempts have been made

to encourage the production of cash crops but they have remained unsuccessful (see p. 225). Peanuts and ginger, with their high, stable price and a lengthy durability, are the only two products that are cultivated, albeit on a small scale, for trading purposes. Some women acquire a small monetary income of their own, by the sale of these products.

Although the Matawai take great care of their gardens, severe food scarcity is not unknown. Unfavourable weather conditions can result in crop failure. When the rainly season is too dry, as was the case in for instance 1912, 1926 and 1936, the harvest will be bad. Food shortages are also reported during extremely rainly years, such as in 1918(8.).

Hunting, fishing and gathering

Hunting is one of the favourite activities of men. A man will seldom leave the village without his shot gun and hunting bag, in which he carries gun powder, matches, salt and some piece of cassave, in case a peccary, agouti or another animal crosses his path. Especially early in the morning or in the afternoon men often roam the forest near the village in search of hunting game. Because of the scarcity of game in the inhabited areas, hunting does not greatly contribute to the diet. Protein resources, in general, are limited. Chickens are raised in the village and occasionally salted meat or dried fish is bought in the small shop of Posugunu, but the significance of bought food is very small.

Outside the peak periods in the horticultural cycle hunting trips are made to the uninhabited areas of the Tukumutu tributary and the Upper Saramacca river beneath the Lawai falls. Hunting is preferred particularly during the dry season when game is attracted to the river. Kwata monkeys are becoming fat, and coming down from the trees, they are an easy prey to the hunters. Fishes such as jumaa (Hoplias macrophthalmus) are easy to catch, sun bathing in the shallow water above the falls. Iguanas are breeding on the sandbanks along the river. They leave traces in the sand where they make holes, so that the eggs are readily located and often the animal can be caught by hand. The hunting strategy of the Matawai is based on extensive knowledge of the food habits of animals and of their behaviour in general. They know, for instance, the time in the morning when deers can be expected to be eating the cassave in the

garden, or when forest fruits that attract monkey will begin to ripen. The trap gun (seti goni) is a weapon sometimes used in hunting. It is placed on the field in the evenening and a line is attached to the trigger. If the line is touched, the gun will fire. The trap gun is still used despite the fact that it has been forbidden. Other traps are constructed for catching birds.

Hunting is an auxiliary activity combined with others. When the men go to the upriver Saramacca to collect palm leaves in order to make or repair roofs, or to build a boat, they often spend a great deal of time hunting. This is also the case for men travelling to and from town. Hunted game will be shared by close relatives and friends. Larger animals, such as a tapir, are shared by the whole village, and parts will be sent to the surrounding villages. The killing of a large game called lanti meti (a tapir or a herd of pingo crossing the village) is accompanied by festivities that conclude in a dancing party. In the downriver area, where hunted game is often sold to traders in Kwakugoon, the tradition of sharing is becoming less common. Men will often prefer to sell it in Kwakugoon.

Fishing involves both men and women, and even children, when they have reached the age of five or six, may spend hours catching small fish at the riverside. Women commonly fish with a hook and a long nylon line of about 12 meters while they wash dishes or clothes at the landing-stage or while they yourney in their boats to the gardens. Men prefer other fishing techniques. The most common are fish traps, bow and arrow and fish poisoning.

The forest resources provide a large number of materials used by the Matawai for the construction of houses, roofs, and boats, for handicrafts such as basket weaving, for the manufacture of kitchen utensils. Forest fruits are often collected by men during hunting trips or while journeying to their gardens. Close to the village and the gardens, the highly valued palm fruits such as the fruits of the maipa, kumu and awala palms are collected. Every second year small groups of women assemble to gather the fruits of the maka palm. The maka seeds are stored in the kitchen attic and used for the preparation of fat. Collecting, however, is a less important food resource than gardening, fishing or hunting. The forest resources also a number of products used in the

preparation of medicine such as herbs, forest fruits and the bark of certain trees. Other assorted useful items are gathered from the forest and gardens: grubs, worms and grasshoppers are used for fishing; honey is often found when the garden is prepared; iguana eggs are collected in the dry season, and sombi (grubs), gathered from the garden, are roasted and eaten.


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