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Summaries
Laurens van Krevelen, Van liefhebberij tot cultureel ondernemerschap. Over de ontwikkeling van de literaire uitgeverij in Nederland
[From a gentleman's pursuit to cultural enterprise. The making of the literary publishing house in the Netherlands]
Throughout the nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth centuries, literary fiction in the Netherlands was mostly published as a side-line of other, more profitable ventures. The trade specialism of literary publishing - with its distinct programmatic, editorial, promotional and commercial characteristics - developed much later in the Netherlands than in, for instance, France, England and Germany, where the model of the literary house dates from the middle of the nineteenth century. For a long time, the literary title production in Dutch was very modest, from an average of fifty new titles per year in the nineteenth century to approximately 300 in 1939, with a correspondingly small market share in the general book trade.
The pioneers who created the Dutch model of the literary house in the first half of the twentieth century are Leo Simons and Nico van Suchtelen (of Wereldbibliotheek), Emanuel Querido and Alice van Nahuys (of Em. Querido), and Alexandre Stols (of A.M. Stols). Their example of building up a literary list and of presenting their authors in a way distinct from the mainstream approach in the book market, was followed immediately after World War II by the second generation of pioneers, Geert Lubberhuizen (of De Bezige Bij), Geert van Oorschot (of G.A. van Oorschot) and Bert Bakker (of D.A. Daamen / Bert Bakker), who were able to benefit from the considerable growth of the reading public, from the secularisation of Dutch society, and from the extraordinary vitality and productivity of a new generation of original Dutch authors.
The success story of literary publishing in the Netherlands, starting in the 1970s, did coincide with a number of important changes in the Dutch book market: the shaping of publishing conglomerates, the introduction of modern book clubs, the creation of bookselling chains, and the improvement of the national book distribution system. The growth of literary publishing was remarkable: from a very marginal market share of less than 10% of the general trade market in 1970 (with approximately 500 new literary titles per year) to 25% in 1995 (with 1,000 new literary titles per year). However, this striking growth in market share was largely realised by literary houses that had remained independent companies during the decades of spectacular growth, while the literary imprints that were owned by conglomerates were still rather independently run business units.
The ‘second wave’ of conglomeration in the Dutch book trade during the 1990s drastically changed the general landscape of literary publishing. While in 1990, 80% of the market volume of the literary segment in the general book trade was served by ten mostly independent houses, owned by eight different companies (Meulenhoff, Querido, De Arbeiderspers, Nijgh & Van Ditmar, De Bezige Bij, Contact, Bert Bakker, Het Spectrum, Malherbe, Bosch & Keuning), in 2000 nearly 90% of the literary market was dominated by three conglomerates (Veen, Bosch & Keuning, WPG and PCM), using twenty imprints, operating in more or less cen- | |
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tralised business units. In the same period, quite a few new independent literary houses have been founded.
The present study outlines the sweeping developments in the literary trade during the twentieth century, with a focus on the last three decades. It pays detailed attention to the major personalities and companies involved in these many changes, and it discusses the effects of conglomeration on the literary trade. The last paragraph presents a brief look at the chances of the literary book in the digital future. Printing-on-demand techniques and promotion via the Internet will offer new opportunities for the literary book, published by independently run, relatively small literary houses, provided that these houses will demonstrate their added value to authors in their dedicated editorial procedures and in their ability to create flexible partnerships with specialists in distribution, promotion and sales.
Bregje Boonstra, Is het fluitketeltje droog gekookt? Vijftig jaar kinderboeken in Nederland
[Has the kettle boiled dry? Fifty years of children's literature in the Netherlands]
Dutch children's literature during the fifty years after World War II can roughly be divided into four periods. The fifties and sixties were the years of optimism and belief in the positive moral effect of good children's books on the young reader, who had to be kept ‘out of mischief’. In the seventies children's books were discovered by grown ups who wanted to change society. This resulted in special attention for role models and opposition against authority and male, white, Western superiority and oppression. From the eighties onwards children's books were more and more considered to be part of literary culture and consequently they were judged by literary criteria. Authors who were not used to writing for children were challenged to do so and on the whole interest in children's literature was increasing considerably.
By the end of the century there was a growing dislike of the so-called ‘grown-up children's books’ that were considered to be too complicated and too sophisticated for the young reader. Pushed by publishers who are looking for quick and big commercial successes, a children's book nowadays should primarily be amusing and easy to consume.
Nel van Dijk, Kunst en kijkcijfers. Boekenprogramma's op de Nederlandse televisie
[Art and ratings. Book-programmes on Dutch television]
This article gives an overview of book programmes that were broadcast on Dutch television in the period 1980-2000. Twenty-two book programmes were introduced in this period, but most of them did not have a very long life span. What causes the problematic relationship between books and television? The parties concerned, like publishers, writers, programme makers and producers, have mentioned several reasons. They have pointed at the unsuitability of the presenters; at the fact that authors often aren't good speakers; and at the fact that most book programmes were scheduled very late in the evening when most people are asleep.
Some of these factors have proven to be true: an analysis of the form and the content of the 22 Dutch book programmes showed, among other things, that programme presenters often
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either had a literary background (as an author, a critic, a publisher or a bookseller) or were known as television personalities. In most cases they didn't have any experience as a journalist or producer. It is also true that book programmes were scheduled very late. Thirteen of the 22 programs were broadcast after 10.30 p.m. and of these thirteen programs ten after 11.00 p.m.
In spite of these outcomes, however, the most important factor seems to be that book programmes by definition have low ratings. The world of television is becoming increasingly commercial and in this world ratings become more and more important. Nowadays, this even holds for the one Dutch broadcasting organisation that used to pay more than average attention to books and to art in general. Competition between broadcasting organisations and the importance of high ratings has restricted the creation of book programmes, as well as art programmes in general.
Karen Ghonem-Woets & Piet Mooren, Van een ‘roomsche’ naar een ‘nieuwe kleur in 't werk.’ Over de veranderingen in het jeugdboekenfonds van Zwijsen en Malmberg na 1945
[From a Roman Catholic to a wider readership. The developments in the children's book lists of Zwijsen and Malmberg after 1945]
The largest and best-known Catholic educational publishing houses in the Netherlands are Zwijsen and Malmberg. In the more than one hundred years since their establishment, both publishing houses have developed from religious educational publishing houses, with ties to Catholic congregations, to literary educational publishing houses. Both Zwijsen and Malmberg were successful as religious publishing houses and are still successful as general publishers.
There are three constant factors in their history, namely, the three components of the publisher's list: metatexts, schoolbooks and children's books. The development of the list and the changes in orientation cannot be separated from changes in Dutch society in general that have been described by political and social scientists in terms of ‘vertical stratification’ according to religious belief or political conviction.
This article describes the profile of the publisher's list in the second half of the twentieth century on the basis of the classification and presentation of the list of children's books in relation to developments in the field of reading education and history education. This description shows that similar developments took place in every field.
After World War II society was as much characterised by vertical stratification as it had been before the war, but a process of diffusion among the various religious and political groups had also started. On the one hand, Zwijsen and Malmberg still published Catholic mission stories, adventure stories, featuring Catholic children in reading education and Catholic heroes in history education. On the other hand, new schoolbooks and children's books were developed for a national market and could be linked to developments in the other religious and political groups. From 1960 the publishing houses changed course completely and lost their Catholic identity.
After 1970 the success of a particular reading method caused Zwijsen to become a market leader in this field for more than three decades. Malmberg has been a market leader in the field of history education for more than a decade now. In line with the new identity in particularly the field of reading education, the most important classification in the list of children's books
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became the level of reading ability. Children's books were produced in series and tuned in to schoolbooks.
Frank de Glas, De materiële en symbolische productie van het werk van moderne literaire auteurs. Bouwstenen voor de reputatie van de jonge Hella Haasse
[The material and symbolic production of the work of modern literary authors. Materials for the reputation of the young Hella Haasse]
Publishers not only take care of the material production and distribution of their authors' books. They also attempt to influence the reception of their work by various literary institutions in a way that helps to build a solid reputation for the writers on their list. Pierre Bourdieu and a number of other students of literary institutions have given us guidelines for an analysis of the way literary reputations are built. This article focuses on the role of the publishing house in this process.
On the basis of a number of hypotheses, an empirical study has been carried out of both the material exploitation and the symbolic production of the oeuvre of the Dutch novelist Hella Haasse (b. 1918). She published her first novel with Querido publishers in Amsterdam in 1945. Gradually she became one of the leading post-war Dutch literary prose writers. The article presents a complete overview of editions of her prose works in the period 1945-2000, linking their publication to the events that were decisive for the making of her reputation. The publisher not only capitalises on the support third parties offer in building an artistic reputation (e.g. through literary prizes), but also takes advantage of external factors that have nothing to do with the artistic value of the work as such. Finally, it is discussed to what extent the implications of these findings should influence existing theoretical views of cultural reputation building.
Wim Knulst & Andries van den Broek, Het lezerspubliek van boeken in tijden van ontlezing
[The readers of books in times of de-reading]
Reading books, still a common activity fifty years ago, has declined to such an extent that the question ‘who still reads books?’ has come to the fore. So far, the process of de-reading has been documented in terms of characteristics of the public, the question being ‘which groups gave up reading more swiftly than others?’ Here, we add the characteristics of books to the analysis, asking ‘which kind of books were deserted more rapidly than others?’
Lisa Kuitert, Literatuur in optima forma. Over de betekenis van marginaal drukwerk voor de literatuur
[Literature in optima forma. On the significance of fine printing for literature]
Alongside the commercial literary publishing industry, there exists the world of the fine printed book, with its small impressions, often hand set and printed with ancient equipment. What is the significance of this phenomenon and why do these printers make such an effort?
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Collector's items as these ‘rare’ books are, it is argued that this non-commercial printing has a specific function in the increasingly commercial literary field. In order to get a better view on this specific function, the author focuses on the content of the ‘fine printed’ editions in the post-war Netherlands. One of the conclusions is that such small-press editions consecrate in some way the artistic effort of the writer, i.e. the literature. But not all writers are equally apt to be published in fine editions. Characteristically, they are: not best-selling authors but so-called writers' writers; mostly poets; often deceased and out of copyright; if alive then part of the inner circle of literary life; more male than female, and relatively often with a homosexual flavour.
Erik Nijhof, Gekanaliseerde innovatiestromen. Het ‘grafisch systeem’ in Nederland, 1950-2000
[Embedded innovations in the Dutch printing industry, 1950-2000]
Technological changes in the printing industry have been more profound in the last fifty years than ever before since the revolutionary innovations of the Gutenberg epoch. These changes have had a deep impact on nearly all aspects of production. This transformation has caused much tension, but in the Netherlands it never resulted in positions of social entrenchment and polarisation. Even in the 1980s, when the ‘digital revolution’ gained its decisive momentum and many long-standing technologies and professions were about to disappear, and when the struggle in London's Fleet Street, waged on the same issues, reached its dramatic climax, the Dutch trajectory was one of negotiated change, with the explicit purpose of limiting the social consequences of technological change.
To explain this development, we first have to turn to the foreign origin of the innovations concerned, for the rather small and fragmented Dutch linguistic home-market did not favour labour-saving innovations and the ensuing risky investments. Therefore, the trade was characterised by myriads of small and short-lived enterprises, working with old and second-hand equipment and competing with each other to a degree of mutual economic starvation. The only way out of this murderous competition was through concerted action, and in the prevailing conditions after 1900, only the socialist trade-union was in a position to take the initiative for a complicated set of arrangements between workers' and employers' organisations, that guaranteed a substantial wage-level, fixed prices for all graphical products and a mutual recognition of the representative monopoly of their respective organisations.
This institutional co-operation was steadily extended and deepened and resulted in what might be characterised as the ‘Graphical System’. With its strong neo-corporatist characteristics this system went even further than the ‘normal’ industrial relations in the Netherlands, which are already known for their conflict-solving mechanisms of negotiating and avoiding of open conflicts. Export promotion, quality control, scientific research and vocational training (that also regulated the influx of new and young workers) became important preoccupations of the joint committees of the sector in the post-1945 period. The introduction of the offset-press, photo-setting and digital setting was carefully prepared, guided, and realised without open conflicts. Good retirement arrangements for older workers and schemes of retraining younger ones helped to bring about this result, in combination with an old trade-union policy not to
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resist technological changes, but to try to obtain the best conditions in exchange for a co-operative attitude. New, and especially female, workers were excluded from all these advantages.
The impact of the ‘digital revolution’ seriously undermined the foundations of the system, by blurring all the internal and external demarcation lines so essential for its policy of inclusion and exclusion. Nevertheless, even then the parties preferred to co-operate as much as poss-ible, taking into account the changes in the sector, that has now become so much like the other branches of the Dutch ‘Polder Model’.
Yvonne van Oort & Frank de Glas, 65 jaar boekenclubs in Nederland
[Sixty-five years of book clubs in the Netherlands]
Models for book distribution which resemble the modern book club concept emerged in the Netherlands in the nineteenth century. The first Dutch book club in the strict sense was founded in 1928 by a businessman by the name of P. Schreuder in The Hague. His ‘Nederlandse Boekenclub’ evolved from the business magazine Succes. Schreuder offered all kinds of materials for businessmen, such as training courses, planning diaries as well as books.
The article discusses the evolution of the book club concept in the Netherlands in the framework of the international history of books clubs, focusing on the United States and Germany. In the course of the twentieth century, two main forms of book clubs evolved. On the one hand, publishers started book clubs that only offered titles they produced in-house. As the maintaining of extensive lists in large print runs required enormous investments, publishers developed a second type of book club, which issued licensed editions of books that had been published by other publishers previously. In the course of the twentieth century, in many Western countries the latter type of book club became the dominant form, with the American Book-of-the-Month Club as its major example. When it was founded in 1926, the Book-of-the-Month Club created quite a stir among American booksellers and publishers, some of them strongly opposed to co-operating with the clubs, but afterwards the financial advantages of licensing books to the book clubs became obvious to many publishers. Booksellers either gradually came to accept the competition of the book clubs or cautiously experimented with some kind of co-operation with the clubs.
The vivid debate among American publishers, booksellers and bookclubs on these matters was repeated both in Germany and the Netherlands when the Bertelsmann Group started license-based book clubs in these countries in the fifties and sixties respectively. In the seventies and eighties however, book clubs became more or less accepted both in the book trade and among literary institutions. In the nineties, book clubs faced new challenges due to demographic changes, the rise of competing media and changes in customer behaviour.
Sandra van Voorst, Van censuur naar gedeelde verantwoordelijkheid. Uitgeverij Het Spectrum en de Katholieke Boekenwet
[From censorship to shared responsibility. Publishing house Het Spectrum and the Catholic book regulations]
Although religion lost its central role in society in the 1950s and 1960s, the Catholic church still
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had its regulations concerning publishing, translating, selling and reading books. This article focuses on one player in the literary field, namely Het Spectrum, a Catholic publishing house founded in 1935. Het Spectrum has become known for its popular scientific series, family magazines, paperbacks (Prisma) and religious books, such as those by Thomas Merton.
The main question the article addresses is: how did Het Spectrum manoeuvre between the religious censorship from the church and from independent organizations like idil (Informatiedienst Inzake Lectuur: Reading Information Centre) and its own publishing policy toward a mainly Catholic reading public? A brief description of eight cases will show that the church censorship changed into what Frank Baur has called ‘shared responsibility’, which effectively meant that Het Spectrum became its own censor.
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