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De Achttiende Eeuw. Jaargang 43 (2011)

De Achttiende Eeuw. Jaargang 43

(2011)– [tijdschrift] Documentatieblad werkgroep Achttiende eeuw–rechtenstatus Auteursrechtelijk beschermd

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Spaces, circuits and short-circuits in the ‘European Enlightenment’
Peter Clark

This paper looks to compare and contrast the accelerators and constraints- the circuit-breakers affecting the performance and dissemination of two important new forms of cultural and leisure activity during the Long Eighteenth Century: first clubs and societies, and the second new style commercial sports. Using mainly data from the freemasons, we see how voluntary associations became widely dispersed across Europe though with significant local variations. By comparison new sports made only limited impact outside England and more traditional games continued to hold sway in much of Europe.

Historians may well argue about the typology and nature of the eighteenth century ‘Enlightenment’ until kingdom comes, but what is surely important and fascinating about the ‘Enlightenment movement’, however defined, is that it sheds light on the processes and problems of cultural diffusion in all periods, whether one thinks of the spread of confraternities and town bands in late medieval Europe or museums, art galleries and multiple types of green space in the modern European city.1 Because the Enlightenment movement is remarkable both for what it achieved and failed to achieve in the long eighteenth century. Largely city-based it was vital for the decisive urbanization of European cultural life - a lasting legacy. No less significant was the speed of change - the velocity of movement of new ideas. By the early eighteenth century it was quite common for new ideas, practices or organizations - for instance speculative freemasonry instituted with its grand lodge in London in 1717 - to move and be adopted (and adapted) elsewhere within one or two decades, across the British Isles, North America and the continent.2 Nor was it just the extensive spatial spread which was impressive. Though elements of Enlightenment activity were elitist, in some countries, especially England, the diffusion and reception of new practices in nonelitest circles is equally striking. Thus club life, music-making, and magazine reading spread among the professional classes, shopkeepers, and sometimes the artisan classes; and, no less important, among young people and, to some extent, among women.

To propel change there emerged new or revamped circuits of communication.3 And yet, what is equally striking about the Enlightenment movement is that the spatial coverage of new ideas and practices was always uneven and patchy; that their social reception was selective and variable; and while some ideas, practices and activities spread rapidly, others failed to take off in the same way. In other words, systems short-circuited, raising the question what factors, what circuit-breakers, caused this to happen. Historians are often interested in the discourses of success, but the explanations of failure are no less instructive and illuminating.

In this paper we will seek to compare and contrast the accelerators and constraints - the circuit-breakers - affecting the performance and dissemination of two important new forms of cultural and leisure activity during the ‘long eighteenth century’, both to a considerable extent emanating initially from England; first, clubs and societies and the second, new style commercial sport. The first, as we have noted, became widely disseminated; the second made only slow and limited progress outside England.

Discussing voluntary associations is fraught with difficulty. Societies can have limited life-cycles: they may develop very quickly often because of strong leadership or fashion, recruit heavily, mature, but then, as they suffer competition from other associations, decline, kept going only by organisational inertia, by a cache of funds or property, and the loyalty of a few dedicated members, often close friends. Societies indeed may vary radically in membership size, some small where the membership is generally active and engaged, others much larger where most of the members have only a passive ‘cheque book’ function. The social and gender background of members often differ greatly. And then we are faced with the extraordinary kaleidoscope of different types.4



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Fig. 1 Clubs in the British Isles 1580-1799.


Here we need to start by noting the general pattern of diffusion of clubs and societies in Europe and then will focus on three examples of dissemination, trying to tease

out some key accelerator and retardant factors. As is well known, clubs and societies grew rapidly in England from the later seventeenth century (fig. 1). It is possible there were up to 18,000 associations in the country under Hanoverian rule. The greatest concentration was in London with perhaps 3,000 in the late eighteenth century, along with 90 different types of association. But provincial capitals such as late Georgian Norwich or Bristol had several dozen types of society and even country towns like Maidstone in Kent supported 12 or 13 types.5 Elsewhere in Britain there was a similar pattern of diffusion but later and more selective (fig. 1). In Scotland although Edinburgh and Glasgow had important clusters of societies from the 1750s (Edinburgh up to 200 at any one time), in middle rank provincial towns like Perth, Kelso, and Stirling few societies (other than masonic lodges) appeared before the last decades of the century. Developments were even more localized in Ireland (outside Dublin) and Wales before 1800.6

On the continent, patterns of diffusion were equally if not more variable. After Britain Germany had the largest number of associations - probably several thousand in aggregate by the second half of the century. As well as language societies, scientific and reading societies or circles flourished, alongside masonic lodges (250-300), student and debating clubs, patriotic improvement societies, journeymen clubs, and (towards the end of the century) radical political clubs. However, as Richard van Dülmen has shown, there were significant regional variations and differences between states.7 For France Maurice Agulhon argued many years ago for the regional distribution of Masonic lodges, especially in the north and west of the country. Regionality is also evident in the case of certain sports clubs, while the largest number of associations was in Paris. In the Southern Netherlands the number and range of clubs appears very limited before the 1790s.8

If the spread of associations was variable and often patchy, how did it work? What factors accelerated or obstructed the process? Here we can get some idea from our three case studies. The first relates to Eastern England at the start of the eighteenth century (fig. 2) where the establishment of the Spalding



illustratie
Fig. 2 Learned Societies in Eastern England early 18th century.


Gentlemen's Society in 1710, a learned, musical and social association, was followed by similar bodies at Peterborough 1730, Boston, Lincoln, Wisbech, Market Overton, West Deepham, Greetham and Stamford where the minutes of the Brasenose Society founded soon after 1730 show it discussed Roman antiquities, metereology, new engineering equipment and the destruction of stained glass in the town's churches.9 Several factors seem to have been important in this regional upsurge of societies. First, there were significant personal links between leading members of these bodies. Second, we discover strong connections to London with its dynamic associational world: several leading members like William Stukeley belonged to the Royal Society, Society of Antiquaries, the masonic Grand Lodge and other London societies.10 A third factor was growing urban prosperity with an expansion of communications, turnpike traffic and river navigation in this area, leading to buoyant regional and longer distance trade, particularly to London. This newfound urban affluence was reflected in the modernization of the infrastructure of these small towns, with the erection of classical style public buildings and private houses (sometimes refronting earlier constructions).11 Less obvious but important, almost all the societies met in coffee houses, inns, or other drinking premises. In fact the original Spalding Society developed out of informal meetings of a few gentlemen at a local coffee house there called ‘Youngers’, where they read and discussed papers and magazines. There was also a more direct link with the media. From George I's reign this area saw an important growth of local newspapers - as at Stamford (1713) and Northampton (1720).12 Newspapers not only carried reports of societies but printers were often active promoters

illustratie
Fig. 3 Modern Masonic Lodges in Provincial England 1740.




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Fig. 4 Modern Masonic Lodges in Provincial England 1800.


of them.13 Lastly, it is important to remember that these were towns where potential competing institutions such as guilds or neighbourhood organizations had never existed or had become unimportant by 1700.

The next examples come from the freemasons, admittedly a distinctive federalist type of association, but again where the distribution of lodges was far from uniform. Let us look first at the changing distribution of Masonic lodges in the English provinces. Up to 1730 most new lodges were in London but thereafter they spread quickly to provincial towns, as we can see from maps for 1740 and 1800 plotting English Modern lodges (figs. 3-4). In 1740 the lodges were clustered in the old textile areas of the South West, with an important focus in Bristol; but also in the industrialising West Midlands, in Essex and Suffolk (with their textile towns), and in South Lancashire - notable for its burgeoning cotton manufacture. By 1800 these clusters had consolidated with once again East Anglia, the South West, Midlands and Lancashire prominent, but with significant clusters around Newcastle and London.14 The urban industrialising regions were also highly mobile regions (significantly, masonry offered important benefits for migrants including passes between towns, help with finding work, and integration into local lodge life for newcomers). By comparison, regions with lower numbers of lodges were more agrarian, less industrial, less urban, arguably with poorer communications. It is conceivable, though difficult to document, that such districts had lower long-distance mobility and less inter-urban networking.15 Whether religion, or to be more precise Dissent, was another variable is open to speculation. Certainly areas with a greater density of Masonic lodges were ones where a range of dissenting congregations had become established, contesting established Church controls.16 Organisational factors clearly had an effect. All the local lodges were based in drinking houses and the publican often supplied them with a special meeting room and credit. As for freemasonry itself, the London Grand Lodge was active from mid century in establishing provincial grandmasters in key areas such as the South West to promote the movement and to set up new lodges, encouraging regional clustering.17



illustratie
Fig. 5 Continental Masonic Lodges 1778.


The final case study relates to continental freemasons. Since freemasonry was in some measure an international movement, in the eighteenth century (as now) there was some attempt to collect data across the continent (but not including the British Isles). One of the first attempts was made in a German catalogue of continental Masonic lodges Alphabetisches Verzeichnis aller bekannten Freimaurer Logen published at Leipzig in 1778.18 Given the high turnover of Masonic lodges and the timelags in getting new lodges registered with grand lodges it would be naïve to exaggerate the accuracy or completeness of the catalogue. But like the English Engraved Lists of English freemasonry it offers an interesting outline of activity.

From the catalogue it is possible to map about 320 known lodges (a small number of places could not be identified). And some points seem reasonably clear (fig. 5). Firstly we can observe the important concentration of lodges in major metropolitan centres, notably capitals - thus 28 in Paris, 13 in Berlin, 8 in Amsterdam, 5 in St Petersburg. This reflects both the large leisure market there from landowners, officials, merchants and the better off, and the significance of these places as media centres, and ones with strong international connections. Also striking is the clustering of lodges on the Atlantic sea board - reflecting not only the growth and prosperity of Atlantic ports from Amsterdam and Rotterdam to Nantes and Bordeaux and Lisbon, but also the close trading

connections with England, the pioneer in Masonic activity.19 Many of the early lodges in these places were founded by immigrant English merchants or those trading to England. For instance, in 1727 the first Lisbon lodge seems to have been set up by British merchants there and six years later George Gordon, a Scotsman, reportedly set up two more lodges at Lisbon, one for Catholics, the other for Protestants.20

Religion appears as another factor, influencing the distribution of lodges. In 1738 the Pope banned the Masonic order and ordered the Inquisition to prosecute freemasons. At Lisbon in 1743-4 and 1778 the inquisition tortured and organised auto da fés against Masonic members. In 1744 several foreign masons were only saved by English and Dutch intervention. This helps to explain the relative paucity of Masonic lodges in Catholic Europe (outside France), including the Austrian territories as well as Italy and Iberia.21

No less influential was power politics. In the early eighteenth century British connections with Hamburg, Hanover and other northern states like Prussia, constructing the grand coalition against France, encouraged the spread of English-style lodges. The first lodge in Germany was probably established at Hamburg in 1730 and it was via this lodge that Frederick the Great became a mason in 1738. By the mid eighteenth century the spread of freemasonry got caught up in the French and English diplomatic struggle in Northern Europe. Thus Sweden at this time was divided between the pro-French Hats and the pro-British Caps. For a while the Hats carried the day, Sweden supported France in the Seven Years war, and in 1752 the first Masonic lodge was established in Stockholm by a Swede who had been a member of a French lodge. In 1759 the first Grand lodge was established using the French rite. But in 1765 after France's military defeat and the Treaty of Paris and with the Caps winning Sweden's Parliamentary elections the English struck back with a Masonic weapon. The British ambassador Sir John Goodriche successfully lobbied for the establishment of a Provincial Grand Lodge under the jurisdiction of the London grand lodge and three lodges were set up under this regime. This led to competition and conflict with the Francophile Grand Lodge which eventually

won as British influence waned during the 1770s due to the American war of independence.22

In sum, by the late eighteenth century voluntary associations had become a major institution of the European cultural world with a diversity of learned, philanthropic, sociable and political functions. Their growth and dissemination across Europe was shaped by a range of variables including urban growth, mobility, metropolitan influence, the media, and organizational and political factors; indeed associations became an important vector of innovation in their own right. At the same time, we have identified at least some of the constraints, including economic backwardness, poor communications, and established Church opposition.

Let us turn now to sport and the first wave of Norbert Elias's ‘sportization’ process whereby traditional games turned into organized competitions, usually involving, teams, rules, regulating bodies, prizes and spectators.23 As Peter Borsay, Bob Malcolmson, and others have shown, the major developments here occurred in England during the long eighteenth century. The traditional country ballgame of cricket was modernized, urbanised and commercialized by 1750; animal sports like horse racing and fox and deer hunting had turned into organized sports earlier (considerably earlier in the case of horse-racing). Other sports emerged such as archery (although organized in the seventeenth century the real growth came in the 1780s and 1790s), boxing and boating. At the same time, earlier semi-organised sports like bowls and cockfighting went into decline during the eighteenth century, and numerous traditional games such as street football and bull-baiting attracted mounting criticism and repression from local magistrates.24

Dissemination was even more selective elsewhere. Horse-racing and hunting clubs appeared in Scotland and Ireland; but only one archery club in Scotland and no cricket (though several golf and skating clubs by 1800).25 Cricket and archery failed to make the transatlantic crossing to the American colonies, but horse-racing did - organized by the 1750s through a number of provincial

jockey clubs; hunting was sometimes organized by hunt clubs; we also find fishing and skating clubs, often linked to taverns. However, as national identity emerged, the Americans developed their own, mainly, ball games and sports in the nineteenth century.26

In Europe it would seem that the advent of English type commercial sports was generally insignificant in the long eighteenth century. There are stray references to English-style horse-racing at Toulouse in 1760; fox hunting in and around Paris; boules in western France from perhaps the 1740s (in some places organized by clubs); ski-races in Norway from 1776; fencing in a number of countries.27 Just before 1800 gymnastics (much changed from the classical model) arrived in Sweden, Denmark and Germany but organized primarily for educational and military training, often linked to institutes. In general, with the possible exception of fencing, sports clubs do not appear as an important type of association on the continent, and the impression is of a minimal reception or dissemination of new-style commercial sports in Europe before the late nineteenth century, when there was a dramatic export of English sports to the continent.28

How do we explain this limited dissemination of new style sport? Before we can answer this question, it is important to stress the relationship with traditional sports and to recognize that there was no simple polarity. Traditional games were highly varied - often linked to local communal customs but with wide national and regional variations both in terms of the number and types of games played: lowest in less urbanized areas, most dense in more advanced regions. The same pattern is also visible when we look at organization. In Flanders the importance of traditional shooting games was clearly linked to the role of archery and other guilds from the late Middle Ages, often supported by towns, and involved in inter-city competitions. Frequently games were associated with the Church and church festivities and rituals such as weddings.29 From the 15th century, as Wolfgang Behringer has documented, there was increased institutionalization of traditional games, particularly in Western Europe, with the advent of rules and manuals, ball courts and other venues, and professional players and referees: in this process Court and noble

patronage was often crucial.30

Nonetheless, from the late 16th century there are signs of proto-commercialisation taking place in some countries with games becoming linked to public drinking houses. As European drinking premises were increasingly numerous and economically and socially important after 1500, it is hardly surprising that at least some traditional games drifted into their orbit. Already in England by the early seventeenth century one finds games of bowls, animal sports, football at drinking houses, and English inns became important venues that century for cockfights.31 Pictorial evidence for the seventeenth century would indicate there was a similar trend at this time in the Dutch Republic. Thus we find inn courtyards with games of shuffleboard and bowls, also games of skittles outside. As in England and elsewhere card games were also widely played inside Dutch drinking houses.32 Whether ice-skating and other winter sports had links with Dutch taverns remains unclear, but likely. Beat Kümin points to similar developments in some German towns. For example, at the Bavarian town of Straubing inn facilities included outdoor skittle alleys, shooting ranges and billiard tables; another tavern there organized stone throwing competitions. According to Kumin, publicans boosted turnover by organizing competitions and prizes. In France too boule games in the Mayenne area had links with local taverns.33

Let us focus now on trying to answer the question why only in England was there a shift towards modern-style commercial sports with large numbers of spectators, rules, voluntary regulatory bodies and so on. One factor, it would seem, was the continuing importance and competitive power of traditional games spaces and institutional spaces for games. Where institutions such as guilds, the Church and Courts were important as sponsors of traditional games they may well have resisted new types of commercial activity encroaching on their space.

Yet this still begs the question why did those forms of proto-commercial sport we have noted in the Netherlands or Germany fail to translate into modern style developments as in England. Was it because urbanization and prosperity rates were lower? Probably: urban and income growth was buoyant in England for much of the eighteenth century, whereas it was much more sluggish in Germany and the Netherlands which deurbanized from the 1720s

with significant falls in urban living standards.34 Was it because the media and communication advances were less developed? Probably again: the end of English censorship in the 1690s saw a rapid expansion of London and provincial newspapers, often carrying announcements and reports of sports events, and from the 1740s a specialist sports press emerged - nothing comparable occurred in Germany or the Dutch Republic.35 Was it because of state concern about large public gatherings in or near cities? Quite likely: the English government with its weaker weapons of political control had to tolerate more public mobilization and voluntary activity than its foreign counterparts. But another factor may well have been that only in England does the public house and its landlords take on an established and dynamic role as commercial and cultural entrepreneurs during the long eighteenth century - well ahead of their Dutch or German counterparts. In England many newstyle sports are actively and strongly promoted by publicans in the media; drinking houses were the venue for many of the sports clubs that spring up; famous sportsmen became publicans.36 On the continent (and British periphery) it is only when the state or national identity becomes involved in the nineteenth century that new style sports take off.37

In conclusion we can try and summarise some of the factors - accelerators and/or circuit breakers - apparently affecting the dissemination of new cultural activities during the long eighteenth century. Here our comparative approach looking at both relative success in cultural innovation (club and societies) but also at relative failure (newstyle sports) may help us to rank the variables more clearly. Five key points can be identified. Firstly urbanisation. Clearly important in the case of voluntary associations with the role of dynamic capitals, port cities and industrial areas in promoting clubs and societies were obviously significant, but urban prosperity was also vital for the incidence of clubs in lesser provincial centres as in Eastern England. A similar picture for sports: urban growth and its related developments were probably influential for the development of organized games and almost certainly critical for the takeoff of commercialized sports in Georgian England. Secondly, newspapers and magazines. Almost certainly significant for the growth of both British associations and sports. Thirdly, the relationship to preexisting or competing institutions. Doubtless influential in the case of clubs and societies; but also

essential for the growth of sports. As we have noted, established institutions such as guilds, neighbourhood organizations or the Church may well have impeded or obstructed the advent of new activities. England benefited from a weak array of competing institutions (guilds were in decline, neighbourhood organizations were less developed than in continental cities, churches were becoming more pluralistic with the rise of dissenting congregations). Fourthly power. As we saw in the case of clubs and societies, power structures were important. In England the more relaxed political regime after the Glorious Revolution of 1688 offered favorable conditions of political freedom, toleration and space in which associational activity could expand and develop. By contrast, in Mediterranean states political conditions were often repressive and intolerant of new leisure activities. As we know, in the case of freemasonry state support could be vital in promoting associations for political or diplomatic ends. In England new-style sports may have benefited from their configuration as neutral political space, but this did not happen on the continent (at least before the nineteenth century) where rulers were more nervous of large urban crowds assembling outside traditional settings. Finally, publicans were evidently fundamental in England as cultural entrepreneurs promoting both clubs and societies and sports. Thus, if urbanization and the media were surely necessary conditions for the growth and dissemination of new cultural activities, it may well be that it needed the absence of strong institutional competitors, the presence of favorable political conditions, and the dynamic role of publicans to provide the sufficient conditions for major changes occurring in the cultural and leisure world of eighteenth century Europe.

About the author

Peter Clark is professor of European Urban History at Helsinki University. He has published numerous books and articles on the subject, especially on the urban history of England. He is currently editing the Oxford Handbook on Cities in World History. E-mail: clark@mappi.helsinki.fi.

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